Ana de Armas ain’t wasting no time after her rumored split from Tom Cruise … because she just went shopping with a very handsome man. Check out these photos from Tuesday in Los Angeles, where Ana is doing some home decor shopping with Marcelo…
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Prince Harry and Meghan Markle were guests at Kris Jenner’s 70th birthday bash, but you wouldn’t know it from her social media accounts … Kris and Kim Kardashian deleted shots of the Duke and Duchess of Sussex from the event. Kris celebrated the…
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The girlfriend of late Dallas Cowboys defensive end Marshawn Kneeland broke her silence after the NFL star’s sudden death.
“I’m grieving hard right now,” Catalina Mancera told the Daily Mail on Monday, November 10. “It will be a long time before I’ll feel ready to talk at any length.”
Mancera, 22, called the police the night before Kneeland’s death on the morning of Thursday, November 6. She expressed concern over Kneeland’s well-being, telling authorities her boyfriend had “a history of mental illness.”
After a brief police chase, Kneeland was found near his abandoned car on the Dallas Parkway, dead of an apparent suicide. He was 24 years old.
Cowboys’ Marshawn Kneeland Was Worried About Going to Prison Before Death
“We’re still in the early stages of everything,” Mancera added. “We are working on the funeral arrangements. I don’t know where it’s going to be yet.”
Kneeland was also survived by his father, Shawn, who is currently incarcerated in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, and his three siblings: brothers, AJ and Shawn Jr., and sister, Yahmya.
The football star’s mother, Wendy, died in February 2024, just two months before he was selected in the second round by the Cowboys in the 2024 NFL Draft.
Mancera, a fashion designer, has been staying at the Plano, Texas, apartment where Kneeland lived prior to his death.
Nicole Kneeland-Woods, Marshawn’s cousin, told the Daily Mail that the NFL player started dating Mancera while he was a student-athlete at Western Michigan University.
“Marshawn shared a very special relationship with Catalina, whom he had been with since his sophomore year of college,” she said. “They supported each other through many stages of life. Catalina is an important part of our family and she’s hurting deeply too.”
Despite what 911 dispatchers allege Catalina told them, Nicole said, “There were no previous signs or indications that Marshawn was dealing with mental issues.”
“Marshawn was a strong, loving person who cared deeply about his family and everyone around him,” Nicole added.
In addition to the death of his mother, Marshawn also lost his grandfather in 2023, which Nicole said was “was incredibly hard for him.”
“But beyond that grief, Marshawn didn’t show signs of depression or mental health issues,” Nicole explained. “Our family is devastated and still trying to process something that feels unimaginable. We want people to remember Marshawn for his kindness, his sense of humor and his drive. He was loved deeply and that love will always be his legacy.”
Former Coach of Marshawn Kneeland Recalls Final Chat Days Before His Death
Dallas Cowboys owner, Jerry Jones, broke his silence about Marshawn’s death on Tuesday, November 11.
“I think we all have unfettered feelings about the people we love, people we work with, and this is just a time when you acknowledge that there’s no answers,” Jones, 83, said on Dallas’ 105.3 The Fan. “It makes you want to live life to the fullest. It makes you want to look for the very best in what we have for each other. And in some way make sense out of these times in terms of what they can mean from helping those that are here on earth right now.”
Jones added, “All of those things are very natural, come to mind, but his death is such a national awareness thing that it takes on some of that light when we think about how we go forward.”
If you or someone you know is struggling or in crisis, help is available. Call or text 988 or chat at 988lifeline.org.
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……While the community and colleagues from Komboni Radio stood by him, fellow musicians were notably absent during the funeral of General Kanene’s one-year-old daughter, Sophia.
LUSAKA-(MaraviPost)-Citizens in Zambia have expressed concern over the apparent silence and absence of the country’s music industry during the funeral of popular musician Clifford Dimba, better known as General Kanene.
Kanene, who recently lost his one-year-old daughter, Sophia, laid her to rest this week in an emotional ceremony attended by members of his local community and close friends.
The funeral attracted strong support from neighbours and community members who live around Kanene, as they rallied together to help him meet the daily needs of the mourning period.
Despite the tragic news spreading widely across social media and entertainment circles, no notable figures from the Zambian music industry appeared at the house of mourning or at the burial ceremony.
This lack of presence has sparked public debate, with many questioning why fellow artists did not show solidarity during one of their colleague’s most painful moments.
Observers say this incident reveals a deeper truth about the nature of fame and relationships in the entertainment world.
Many have argued that fame often brings people close for selfish reasons, creating relationships that are mostly transactional rather than genuine.
When tragedy strikes, these shallow connections often disappear, leaving the affected person to rely on family, neighbours, and genuine friends for emotional and practical support.
A visibly heartbroken yet composed General Kanene was surrounded by colleagues from Komboni Radio, where he currently works, as well as friends he interacts with daily.
Witnesses described the atmosphere as both somber and supportive, with community members doing their best to comfort the grieving artist.
Social commentators have taken the moment to remind people of the importance of building real, lasting relationships based on sincerity rather than status or fame.
Kanene, who has endured both personal and professional challenges over the years, received a heartfelt farewell message from many ordinary Zambians who continue to view him as one of their own.
“R.I.P little angel,” read a touching post shared by TV Yatu, capturing the sorrow that has swept through Kanene’s local community.
As the music industry reflects on this moment, many are calling for unity, empathy, and stronger human bonds among artists beyond the stage and spotlight.
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BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-Malawi finds itself grappling with a severe fuel shortage that has paralyzed key sectors of its economy and disrupted the daily lives of its citizens.
At the heart of this crisis lies a troubling legacy of mismanagement and corruption linked to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) government under former President Lazarus Chakwera.
As the nation struggles to fill its empty fuel reserves, which have been depleted since July 2024, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government has stepped forward with decisive action aimed at stabilizing the situation and restoring confidence in the country’s energy security.
The roots of the current fuel shortage run deep, tracing back to the MCP administration’s failure to effectively manage the National Oil Company of Malawi (NOCMA) and maintain adequate fuel reserves.
Our investigations reveal that the MCP regime allowed systemic corruption and financial malfeasance to fester unchecked within the fuel supply chain.
The siphoning off of an estimated 22 billion kwacha through questionable fuel suppliers under MCP’s watch was not merely a case of poor planning but a deliberate plundering of resources that were critical for sustaining Malawi’s energy needs.
This corruption scandal exposed the fragile underbelly of Malawi’s fuel infrastructure.
Instead of safeguarding the country’s reserves and ensuring steady fuel availability, the MCP administration’s cadres allegedly prioritized personal gain over national interest.
The consequences have been dire: since mid-2024, Malawi’s fuel reserves have been empty, leaving the nation vulnerable to economic shocks and operational paralysis in sectors dependent on reliable energy supplies.
Citizens have borne the brunt of this crisis, facing soaring transport costs, scarcity of essential goods, and an uncertain economic future.
In stark contrast, the DPP government, now at the helm, has adopted a markedly different approach to tackling the crisis.
Recognizing the gravity of the situation, the new administration has prioritized transparency and accountability as fundamental pillars in restoring Malawi’s fuel security.
The DPP has initiated comprehensive audits of NOCMA’s operations to uncover the full extent of mismanagement and corruption inherited from the previous regime.
These audits are crucial for identifying weaknesses and enforcing corrective measures that prevent a repeat of such a debilitating crisis.
Moreover, the DPP has emphasized the importance of stringent oversight mechanisms to ensure that fuel procurement and distribution processes are conducted with integrity.
By instituting rigorous vetting procedures for suppliers and empowering independent watchdogs to monitor NOCMA’s activities, the current government is sending a clear message that graft and embezzlement will no longer be tolerated.
This proactive stance is not only stabilizing the immediate fuel supply but also laying the groundwork for sustainable management practices that can safeguard Malawi’s energy future.
The economic stakes could not be higher. Should the fuel shortage have persisted unchecked, Malawi’s economy would have faced catastrophic disruptions.
Transportation networks, which are vital for moving goods and people, would have suffered severe interruptions, exacerbating inflation and limiting access to essential commodities.
The ripple effects would extend to increased unemployment and heightened social unrest, deepening poverty levels and eroding public trust in governance.
The urgency with which the DPP has acted highlights its commitment to averting these potential disasters and cushioning ordinary Malawians from further hardship.
It is important to acknowledge the resilience and determination demonstrated by the DPP in the face of a crisis not of its making.
While the MCP government’s negligence and corruption created the fuel scarcity, the DPP has taken up the mantle of responsibility with vigor and transparency.
The administration’s efforts to rebuild trust through accountability and reform are critical not only for resolving the current shortage but also for restoring hope in Malawi’s institutional capacity to manage public resources effectively.
Yet, the path ahead remains challenging. Rebuilding fuel reserves and ensuring uninterrupted supply require sustained political will, financial investment, and continuous vigilance.
The lessons from the MCP era must serve as a cautionary tale, underscoring the dangers of complacency and corruption in managing strategic national resources.
The DPP’s ongoing reforms must be supported by all stakeholders, including civil society and international partners, to foster an environment where transparency and good governance become the norm rather than the exception.
The fuel crisis in Malawi is a stark reminder of how poor leadership and corruption can jeopardize national security and economic stability.
The MCP government’s failure to maintain adequate fuel reserves and its entanglement in corrupt practices have left the country vulnerable to avoidable hardship.
Conversely, the DPP’s prompt and transparent response to the crisis signals a renewed commitment to good governance and public accountability.
By confronting the challenges head-on and instituting reforms, the DPP is not only working to stabilize the current situation but also striving to ensure that Malawi’s energy sector can support sustainable development and prosperity for all its citizens in the years to come.
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Biodiversity, Climate Action, Climate Change, Conferences, COP30, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Energy, Environment, Global, Green Economy, Headlines, Labour, Natural Resources, TerraViva United Nations
As climate leaders gather in the Amazon, the world’s green transformation is speaking with a southern accent—powered by markets, technology, and a new economic logic.
Belém—30th Conference of the Parties (COP30). Credit: Antônio Scorza/COP30
– When world leaders now gather in Belém, Brazil for the UN climate conference, expectations will be modest. Few believe the meeting will produce any breakthroughs. The United States is retreating from climate engagement. Europe is distracted. The UN is struggling to keep relevant in the 21st century.
But step outside the negotiation tents, and a different story unfolds—one of quiet revolutions, technological leaps, and a new geography of leadership. The green transformation of the world is no longer being designed in Western capitals. It is being built, at scale, in the Global South.
Ten years ago, anyone seeking inspiration on climate policy went to Brussels, Berlin or Paris. Today, you go to Beijing, Delhi or Jakarta. The center of gravity has shifted. China and India are now the twin engines of the global green economy, with Brazil, Vietnam and Indonesia closely behind.
Erik Solheim
This is not about rhetoric; it is about results. China accounts for roughly 60 percent of global capacity in solar, wind, and hydropower manufacturing. It dominates in electric vehicles, batteries, and high-speed rail. China’s 93 GW installation of solar in May 2025 is a historic high and exceeds the monthly or short‐term installation levels of any other country to date.
China has made the green transition its biggest business opportunity, turning green action into jobs, prosperity and global leadership. China is now making more money from exporting green technology than America makes from exporting fossil fuels.
India, too, is reshaping what green development looks like. I was in Andhra Pradesh last month, when I visited a wonderful six-gigawatt integrated energy park—solar, wind, and pumped storage. It delivers round-the-clock clean power. There is nothing like that in the West. In another state, Tamil Nadu, an ecotourism circuit is protecting mangroves and marine ecosystems while creating local jobs in tourism. The western state of Gujarat, long a laboratory for industrial innovation, has committed to 100 gigawatts of renewables by 2030, with the captains of Indian business – Adani and Reliance – driving large-scale solar and wind investments with the state government.
These are not pilot projects. They are national strategies. And they are succeeding because the economics have flipped.
The cost of solar power has fallen by over 90 percent in the last decade, largely thanks to the intense competition between Chinese solar companies. Battery storage is now competitive with fossil fuels. What was once an environmental aspiration has become a financial inevitability. In Indian Gujarat, solar-plus-storage projects are already cheaper than coal. Switching to clean energy is no longer a cost—it is a saving.
That is why climate action today is driven not by diplomacy, but by economics. The question is no longer if countries will go green, but who will own the technologies and industries that make it possible.
Europe, long the moral voice of the climate agenda, now risks losing the industrial race. After years of blocking imports from developing countries on grounds of “inferior” green quality, it now complains that Chinese electric vehicles are too good— too cheap and too efficient. Europe cannot have it both ways. The world cannot build a green transition behind protectionist walls. The markets must open to the best technologies, wherever they are made.
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil understands this new reality. That is why he chose Belém, deep in the Amazon, as the site for climate talks. The location itself is a statement: the future of climate policy lies in protecting the rainforests and empowering the people who live within them.
Forests are not just carbon sinks; they are living economies. When I was Norway’s environment minister, we partnered with Brazil and Indonesia to reward them for reducing deforestation. Later, Guyana joined our effort—a small South American nation where nearly the entire population is of Indian or African origin.
Guyana has since turned conservation into currency. Under its jurisdictional REDD+ programme, the country now sells verified carbon credits through the global aviation market known as CORSIA. In the third quarter of this year, these credits traded at USD 22.55 per tonne of CO₂ equivalent, with around one million credits sold through a procurement event led by IATA and Mercuria.
The proceeds go directly to forest communities—building schools, improving digital access, and funding small enterprises. It is proof that the carbon market can deliver real value when tied to real lives. You cannot protect nature against the will of local people. You can only protect it with them. Last year in Guyana, I watched children play soccer and cricket beneath the jungle canopy—a glimpse of life thriving in harmony with the forest, not at its expense.
That, ultimately, is what Belém should represent: not another round of procedural debates, but a vision for linking markets, nature and livelihoods.
The Global South has also sidestepped one of the West’s greatest political failures: climate denial. In India, there is no major political party—or public figure, cricket star or Bollywood artist—questioning the reality of climate change. Leaders may differ on ideology, but not on this. Across Asia, from China to Indonesia, climate action unites rather than divides. Because here, ecology and economy move together.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India puts it simply: by going green, we also go prosperous. President Xi Jinping of China and President Lula of Brazil share that same message—a vision that draws people in, instead of lecturing them. It is this integration of growth and sustainability that explains why the Global South is moving faster than most of the developed world.
None of this means diplomacy is irrelevant. The UN still matters. But its institutions must evolve to reflect the realities of the 21st century. The Security Council, frozen in 1945, still excludes India and Africa from permanent membership. Without reform, multilateralism risks losing its meaning.
Yet, while negotiations stall, transformation continues. From solar parks in Gujarat to high-speed rail across China, from mangrove tourism in Tamil Nadu to carbon markets in Guyana—climate leadership is happening in real economies, not in press releases.
Belém will not deliver a grand agreement. But it doesn’t need to. The world is already moving—faster than our diplomats.
The story of Belem will not be written in communiqués, but in kilowatts, credits, and communities.
The real climate leaders are no longer in Washington or Brussels.
They are in Beijing, Delhi, São Paulo, and Georgetown.
The future of climate action is already here.
It just speaks with a southern accent.
The author is the former Executive Director of the United Nations Environment Programme and Norway’s Minister for Environment and International Development.
IPS UN Bureau
