Of private, personal and public visits by Malawian presidents

Initially, it is crucial to recognize that the president or former president of Malawi, like any other person, has a right to privacy despite holding a prominent position in the public eye.

No wonder, debates have ensued in various social media platforms as what really constitutes personal, private and public visits by the former or state president of Malawi.

A couple of days back, ex-president Lazarus Chakwera declared that he would be taking a personal trip to Dubai for about two weeks to relax and enjoy his vacation.

It was surprising to many Malawians that the expenses for his private journey were completely covered by taxpayers’ funds.

Critics argue that why is it necessary to call it a personal trip when public funds are being utilised.

Similarly, the current president, Peter Mutharika, also traveled to South Africa for a trip that was labeled as a private visit.

To everyone’s surprise, APM traveled to Bakili Muluzi Airport with Government officials and used public funds to charter a plane.

Let’s start with the basics. A presidential personal trip is defined as a voyage undertaken by the president, regardless of their current or past status, that is not associated with official state responsibilities.

Personal trips have personal motives such as visiting family, holidaying, or attending a private event.

It is important to appreciate that personal trips are funded personally or by private sponsors and do not involve government resources such as security, official aircraft, or diplomatic protocol.

Therefore, the recent travels of Chakwera and Mutharika are not personal as they utilized government funds.

Next, let’s move forward to presidential private trips which are initiated by the current president or former president for personal reasons but may still use some government‑provided resources.

Such benefits may include first‑class ticket entitlement or chartering a plane under the President’s Salaries and Benefits Act.

Most of the times, presidential private visits include medical appointments , family visits only that government resources may cover specific costs.

Appreciation must be in order to note that a presidential private trip is not officially announced as a state visit but may be acknowledged by the Office of the President and Cabinet (OPC) as the case may be.

In this vein of argument, it is appropriate to classify the trips of Mutharika and Chakwera as private visits, as they were funded by government resources despite having a personal purpose.

Lastly, now, let’s discuss a presidential public or official trip, which is essentially a travel taken by the president in their official role to fulfill responsibilities for the state.

Official trips made by the president serve various purposes, such as participating in summits, ratifying agreements, acting as a representative for Malawi at global conferences, or even engaging in diplomatic activities.

It should be noted that all expenses for presidential public trips are covered by the state, including security, transportation, and diplomatic protocol. These trips are also officially announced to the public.

These trips directly relate to governance, national interest, or foreign policy objectives, just to mention a few.

For example, former President Lazarus Chakwera’s extensive trips to countries such as China, Angola, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the USA were official diplomatic endeavors with the goal of enhancing relationships and wooing investments.

It should be emphasized that President Mutharika, who took office in October 2025, has not participated in any official foreign trip.

In conclusion, it is crucial for the Malawi Government to accurately inform the public about the nature of the trips being taken by the current and former presidents.


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Old habits die hard! Chakwera’s post-elections travel sparks fresh outrage

By Kenneth Bwanali

LILONGWE(MaraviPost)–Barely three months after Malawians went to the polls and decisively voted to remove the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) administration, former President Lazarus Chakwera is once again under fire for the very behavior many believe cost him the presidency: a relentless appetite for international travel.

Political analysts and ordinary citizens alike have expressed dismay as news emerged that the former leader has already visited Tanzania and is currently in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. For many, these trips signify a “tone-deaf” approach to the concerns that led to his crushing defeat in the September 16, 2025, general elections.

A Campaign Defined by the “Globetrotter” Label

During his five years in office, Chakwera was frequently criticized for his frequent foreign trips, often accompanied by large entourages.

Critics nicknamed him the “Globetrotter-in-Chief,” arguing that while the country’s economy was in a tailspin—marked by 33% inflation, chronic fuel shortages, and a lack of foreign exchange—the President was busy collecting per diems in foreign capitals.

“The election was a referendum on his lifestyle and his detachment from the suffering of the common man,” said Lilongwe-based political commentator, Kondwani Phiri. “Malawians expected that after losing, he would take a period of quiet reflection at home. Instead, he is back at the airport. It seems he has learned nothing and forgotten nothing.”

Tanzania and Dubai: The Post-Presidency Itinerary

While Chakwera was recently appointed as a Commonwealth Special Envoy to Tanzania to assist with mediation efforts following their own disputed elections—a role that technically justifies his travel—it is the subsequent trip to Dubai that has raised eyebrows.

Social media platforms have been flooded with comments from Malawians who feel that the former president should have prioritized “image repair” by staying grounded in Malawi.

“We voted him out because he loved the sky more than the soil of Malawi,” wrote one user on X (formerly Twitter). “To see him in Dubai now just proves he never really cared about our concerns. He is addicted to the jet-set life.”

The “Changed Man” Opportunity Missed

Political strategists argue that the post-election period offered Chakwera a unique opportunity to prove his critics wrong. By staying at home, engaging with his party’s grassroots, and showing solidarity with Malawians still struggling with the economic mess his administration left behind, he could have built a narrative of a “reformed statesman.”

Instead, the sight of him in international lounges has reinforced the perception of a leader who is more comfortable in the company of foreign dignitaries than in the markets of Area 25 or Limbe.

The Road Ahead for MCP

As the Malawi Congress Party begins the painful process of soul-searching and preparing for life in the opposition, the actions of its leader continue to cast a long shadow.

With Peter Mutharika now back at the helm and promising a “tough and painful” return to economic stability, the MCP needs to convince the electorate that it can be a responsible alternative.

However, as long as its leader continues to prioritize international travel over domestic presence, that remains a difficult sell.

For now, it appears that for Lazarus Chakwera, the world is still his stage—even if the Malawian people have already pulled the curtain on his performance.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in the article are those of the author not necessarily of The Maravi Post or Editor


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How Chakwera politicised development to woo votes for failed September 16 polls

…..Projects at various stages of being completion we are hardly unveiled to the public not because they were ready for use but because the political moment demanded visibility…..

According to local media, the period leading up to national elections in Malawi has increasingly blurred the line between genuine development work and political performance.

Public infrastructure, instead of following disciplined technical schedules, has often been pulled into the orbit of campaign strategy.

Projects at various stages of incompletion have been hurriedly unveiled to the public, not because they were ready for use, but because the political moment demanded visibility.

In many instances, several projects were “officially opened” within a single day, creating an impression of extraordinary productivity.

What mattered most in these moments was not whether a road was durable, a school functional, or a health centre fully equipped.

What mattered was the image of action.

Commissioning ceremonies became tools of persuasion, designed to signal delivery rather than demonstrate lasting value.

The assumption underpinning this approach was that voters respond more readily to what they can see than to what they can sustainably use.

Yet beneath the spectacle lies a series of consequences that only surface long after election posters have come down.

Projects launched before completion are often victims of rushed execution.

Design elements are simplified, timelines compressed, and quality assurance postponed or ignored altogether.

Contractors operating under political pressure may prioritize speed over standards, knowing that the most critical inspection is not technical, but ceremonial.

Engineers and oversight institutions, constrained by directives from above, may find themselves endorsing stages of work that would normally require further testing.

On commissioning day, the structures may look complete.

Within months, cracks appear, systems malfunction, and users begin to experience the real cost of premature celebration.

Maintenance budgets are strained earlier than planned.

The useful life of infrastructure assets is reduced without ever being openly acknowledged.

In extreme cases, rehabilitation becomes unavoidable, effectively turning one project into two expenditures.

This culture also reshapes how public money is allocated.

Resources are diverted from essential but invisible components such as drainage systems, safety installations, and long-term maintenance frameworks.

Instead, funds flow toward elements that make a project look complete enough for a public launch.

Projects that cannot be easily showcased are postponed or quietly deprioritized.

Development planning loses its coherence, becoming responsive to political timelines rather than technical logic or national need.

Within this environment, the five-lane K57 billion Lilongwe bridge presents a striking contrast.

Unlike many smaller projects, it resisted being pulled into the rhythm of campaign-driven commissioning.

Its sheer size and engineering complexity made symbolic completion impractical.

A bridge of that scale cannot be half-finished without creating obvious and dangerous risks.

Structural integrity, load-bearing capacity, and system integration are not features that can be convincingly staged.

In this case, engineering realities set firm limits on political manoeuvring.

The project also attracted intense scrutiny from professionals, the media, and the wider public.

Any attempt to rush or misrepresent its readiness would have been immediately exposed.

The political consequences of failure would have been severe, both in terms of safety and credibility.

As a result, the space for theatrics was significantly reduced.

This contrast exposes a deeper truth about governance and infrastructure delivery.

Where institutions are fragile and projects are modest or scattered, political influence can easily override technical judgment.

Where projects are large, complex, and highly visible, professional standards and public attention can act as a substitute for formal accountability.

The broader habit of favouring appearance over substance carries long-term political risks.

While frequent project launches may initially impress, repeated encounters with incomplete or failing infrastructure erode public trust.

Citizens become sceptical of official announcements and cynical about government promises.

For civil servants and technical professionals, this environment is deeply discouraging.

Expertise is sidelined in favour of performance.

Long-term planning is sacrificed to short-term political gain.

From an economic perspective, the costs are substantial.

Rushed construction, frequent variations, and post-election repairs inflate overall expenditure.

Development partners and investors observe these patterns closely.

Political interference is factored into risk assessments, often translating into higher costs or reduced confidence.

The lesson from the Lilongwe bridge is therefore not simply about one project that avoided premature celebration.

It is a reminder that meaningful development requires protection from electoral pressures.

Until infrastructure delivery is insulated from campaign imperatives, quality will remain negotiable.

And until that separation is achieved, Malawians will continue to pay more for projects that deliver less.

In the end, progress is not measured by the number of ceremonies held before an election.

It is measured by whether infrastructure still serves its purpose long after the votes have been counted.


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MCP youth’s vigil plans a futile gesture — Time better spent on farming

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-In a recent turn of events, the disturbed MCP youth wing announced a vigil in Lilongwe at Lingadzi Police Station to support their detained seniors, Richard Chimwendo Banda and Vitumbiko Mumba.

However, this planned show of solidarity has now been postponed indefinitely, leaving many to question the real value of such actions.

Richard Chimwendo Banda and Vitumbiko Mumba, once seen as untouchable stalwarts during the MCP era under Chakwera, have a history of unabashedly castigating the incumbent President Peter Mutharika when his party was in opposition.

Their current detention might evoke sympathy from their followers, but is staging a vigil truly the best way for the youth to channel their energy?

The MCP youth should take a moment to reflect on their priorities. Instead of wasting time on fruitless demonstrations that achieve little beyond momentary noise, they ought to focus on tangible efforts that benefit their communities and the nation at large.

With the rains falling abundantly, this is the prime season to engage in agricultural activities — particularly weeding and tending to maize fields. This hands-on work not only ensures food security but also empowers the youth through productive labor.

Engaging in farming during this critical period can yield far more meaningful results than standing idle at a vigil.

The youth have a unique opportunity to contribute to Malawi’s development by nurturing the very crops that sustain millions.

It’s a practical way to demonstrate commitment and responsibility, values that the MCP youth should embody if they truly wish to lead and inspire.

Moreover, the incessant political theatrics risk alienating the very communities the youth claim to represent.

Rather than being seen as agents of change, they might be perceived as distracted and ineffective.

The country needs young people who are proactive and solution-oriented, not those who rely on symbolic gestures that do little to address real issues.

The MCP youth’s cancelled vigil should serve as a wake-up call.

They must redirect their energy from unproductive political posturing to meaningful action that improves lives and strengthens the nation’s backbone — agriculture.

Let the fields be their new battleground, where hard work and dedication replace empty protests. The future of Malawi depends on it.


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State fails to take former Chief Secretary Colleen Zamba to court, spends second night in cell

Colleen Zamba in custody for abuse of office charges

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-The state has failed to take former Secretary to the President and Cabinet (SPC) Colleen Zamba to court on Thursday after her arrest on Wednesday at Kamuzu International Airport (KIA) in the capital Lilongwe.

This means Zamba will remain in police custody for another night after authorities failed to take her to court today as scheduled.

The former SPC lawyer, Sylvester Ayuba James however disclosed that police recorded her statement but later cited instructions from higher authorities preventing her court appearance until the 48-hour period expires.

James told the Nation online that the delays is “an abuse of the 48-hour rule”.

The lawyer added that a search warrant has been issued for Zamba’s phone, which lawyers have reviewed.

The forner SPC faces charges of abuse of office.

Zamba is believed to be ousted President Lazarus Chakwera’s errand lady


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Tanzania human rights group rejects Chakwera as political crisis’ mediator

DODOMA-(MaraviPost)-Tanzanian human rights organisation, Sauti ya Watanzania (The Voice of Tanzanians), has strongly rejected the appointment of former Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera as the mediator in that country’s political crisis.

According to the public statement we have seen the grouping argued that a mediator must be a person of strong integrity with a proven track record in leadership qualities they believe Chakwera did not demonstrate during his tenure as Malawi President.

The organisation cited reports of corruption, bribery, and governance weaknesses under Chakwera’s administration, saying such issues could undermine public confidence in the mediation process.

Chakwera is not accepted in Tanzanian

The rights group observes that Chakwera played a role in leading mass protests in 2019, which they claim may compromise his ability to handle Tanzania’s post-election conflict in a fair and impartial manner.

Tanzania continues to experience serious violence following the October 29 elections, with some reports suggesting that more than 700 people may have died in the unrest.

As pressure mounts for credible and transparent peace talks, experts warn that appointing a mediator whose credibility is widely questioned could further complicate efforts to resolve the crisis.

However, the Commonwealth has defended its decision to appoint Chakwera, emphasising the need for swift action to help restore peace and stability in the country.

Chakwera office is yet to comment on the matter.


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