Why a small, temporary rise in African carbon emissions is justified to reach the continent’s urgent electrification needs

Africa holds 17% of the world’s people yet produces roughly 4% of global CO₂. On a per-capita basis it emits about one ton a year, the lowest of any continent. Africa also contains the world’s largest pocket of energy poverty. The question that matters is not whether to cut carbon, but how much temporary pollution is tolerable on the way to energy prosperity, and under what constraints.

An old question, a sharper answer

Orthodoxy has split into two camps. One says “no fossils, ever”, a moral stance that collides with fragile grids and frequent blackouts. The other says “gas or nothing”, tidier for funders, but often impossible where gas infrastructure does not exist.

A better course is lean carbon: a minimal, time-limited overdraft of emissions to buy dependable power now, with covenants that force an early peak and a rapid decline. Think of it as carbon on credit, a capped facility, not a blank cheque. 

An old curve, a new context

The Environmental Kuznets Curve describes an upside-down U. Pollution rises at low incomes, then peaks and falls as countries grow richer and regulate more. Africa can peak lower and earlier than historic industrialisers because renewables are cheaper, technology has improved and coal can be avoided. The policy aim is to flatten the hump: accept a small bump now to reach the downhill sooner.

Reality, not dogma

Today’s counterfactual is not a continent powered neatly by wind and sun. It is millions of diesel generators humming in courtyards and factories because the grid is unreliable. Studies suggest self-generation already equals about 6% of installed capacity in sub-Saharan Africa, at a punishing 0.30 to 0.70 dollars per kWh, several times typical grid tariffs. When utilities falter, governments lease emergency diesel in bulk. In some cases these contracts have cost 3 to 4% of GDP. A clean sentence in a strategy does not change the physics of a failing system.

Intermittent renewables alone cannot yet stabilise a weak grid at scale. They need firm capacity, storage, or both. The sensible choice is planned, efficient firm power that complements solar and wind, rather than the messy reality of unplanned, dirtier backup.

The gas-only headache

If fossil molecules must feature, natural gas is preferable to oil products: fewer local pollutants and roughly half the CO₂ of coal per kWh. But gas-only is a mirage in much of Africa because pipes and LNG are scarce and markets are small. Outside a few corridors there are only a handful of regional gas arteries, notably the West African Gas Pipeline from Nigeria to Ghana and the line from Mozambique to South Africa. Grand schemes to extend them have moved slowly. Most countries lack the demand density to finance pipelines or import terminals. Insisting on gas everywhere, now, often means no power at all.

Policymakers have improvised. Ghana plugged supply gaps with a floating powership that initially burned heavy fuel oil, then switched to domestic gas once supplies and connections were ready. Senegal has commissioned Heavy Fuel Oil-capable plants built to convert to gas when new fields and pipes arrive. These are bridges engineered to shorten the dirty phase, not invitations to lock-in.

What a workable plan looks like

A credible lean-carbon pathway is neither all-renewables tomorrow nor gas for ever. It has three moving parts.

  1. Power plants that can switch fuels
    New power stations should be able to start running right away—using heavy fuel oil or diesel if needed—but be built so they can easily switch to natural gas when supplies become available. This avoids blackouts today without locking countries into oil and gas for decades. Modern reciprocating engines can start and stop quickly, making them ideal substitutes for solar and wind power when the sun isn’t shining or the wind isn’t blowing.
  2. Fossil fuel use that drops over time
    Fossil fuels should be relied upon only when necessary, shifting focus to using them for system stability and renewable-scarce periods. If they are the only means of electricity generation, we should systematically seek to decarbonise them. That way, emissions per unit of GDP fall fast, even before absolute emissions peak. The first target is to displace diesel generators, the dirtiest and costliest kilowatt-hours on the continent.
  3. Covenants that bind
    To make sure the “carbon overdraft” stays small and temporary, it needs hard limits. These include deadlines for switching to cleaner fuels, limits on total emissions, and power purchase agreements that reduce payments to conventional plants as renewables and storage grow. The focus should be on financing the whole energy system – renewables, backup power, and better transmission lines – not just individual plants.

Funders are shifting, cautiously

Development financiers are moving from blanket bans to conditional support for transitional projects. A growing chorus argues that gas should form part of Africa’s just energy transition, provided it is integrated into national climate plans and structured to de-risk the shift to cleaner power. The most useful money crowds in private capital to systems, not stand-alone assets. The priority is hybrids that cut diesel use immediately and accelerate renewables later.

Why the bump is acceptable

Two points matter for the climate ledger. First, Africa’s historical contribution is tiny. Sub-Saharan Africa excluding South Africa has emitted well under 1% of cumulative CO₂ since the industrial revolution; including South Africa the region is still under 2%. Second, the opportunity cost of delay is enormous. Energy-starved economies grow slower, which makes the clean transition harder to finance. A modest, time-boxed rise to something like a 5% share of global CO₂ as grids stabilise would still leave Africa’s burden small by world standards, especially if the uptick displaces diesel and comes with a dated plan to fall.

Risks, spelled out and mitigated

The obvious risk is lock-in: today’s bridge becomes tomorrow’s motorway. That is why the contract matters. Write conversion deadlines and decommissioning triggers into PPAs. Require modular plants whose value survives a fuel switch. Publish transparent emissions dashboards. Include stop-loss clauses if milestones slip. Another risk is cheap-today myopia, choosing the lowest upfront tariff and ignoring reliability, ramping and integration costs. The remedy is to procure systems and judge bids on whole-system cost and carbon, not just cents per kWh.

One final objection is to wait for cheaper batteries. Storage costs are falling and Africa should adopt them early. But telling a low-income country to wait five years for round-the-clock electrons is not climate policy; it is development deferred. High costs of capital already hobble clean projects. Suppressing growth makes those costs worse. Better to grow with discipline, shrink diesel immediately, and use rising demand to make gas and storage bankable, then retire the fossils on schedule.

The ask

For energy ministries and regulators: publish peak-and-pivot plans that show when emissions will crest and what will force them down. Bake overdraft covenants into every firm-power tender. Allow dual-fuel where necessary, but mandate gas-ready design, switch-by dates and emissions-intensity floors.

For development financiers and multilaterals: fund hybrids and grids, not single-fuel bets. Reward early conversion and managed retirement. Deploy guarantees to cut the cost of capital for storage and transmission.

For developers and independent power producers: bid least-carbon firm power, not cheap today and stuck tomorrow.

Africa does not seek permission to pollute. It seeks permission to end energy poverty quickly while peaking emissions early. That is the lean-carbon bargain: a small, declining hump instead of a long, dirty plateau, and a faster route to the sunny side of the Kuznets curve. The task for partners is to help keep the overdraft small, and to pay it back fast.


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Will governments make Big Tobacco pay and kick Big Polluters out from Treaty meets?

SHOBHA SHUKLA, BOBBY RAMAKANT – CNS

The secretariat of World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC – the legally binding global tobacco treaty) had warned the governments to stay vigilant because tobacco industry is targeting the intergovernmental FCTC treaty negotiations starting on Monday, November 17th. FCTC is the first WHO corporate accountability and public health treaty ratified by 183 countries (including the European Union).

2025 marks 20 years since WHO FCTC came into force. Professor (Dr) Judith Mackay, Asian Consultancy on Tobacco Control of Hong Kong, WHO Senior Policy Advisor and Special Advisor, Global Centre for Good Governance in Tobacco Control (GGTC) underlined the importance of backbone Article 5.3 of the WHO FCTC, which obligates the ratifying governments to stop tobacco industry interference in public policy. “If a government, for example, introduces new tobacco pack warnings, then they have to tell the industry that ‘these are our new pack warnings. This is what you have to do. It is a directive.’ Tobacco industry is told what to do. But in terms of formulating the policy, they are out of it.”

We must not think that ‘tobacco industry is undefeatable’ because it is not

“Legally-binding global tobacco treaty (WHO FCTC) is a visionary treaty, not only because it includes FCTC Article 5.3 (to stop tobacco industry interference in public policy) and conflict of interest provisions, but also because it includes a remarkable provision (FCTC Article 19) on liability of tobacco industry. FCTC Article 19 empowers countries that have ratified the treaty to leverage upon it to advance legislations at the national level, either civil, criminal, administrative or other forms of liability laws, and hold tobacco industry accountable,” said Daniel Dorado Torres, a noted lawyer and Tobacco Campaign Director, Corporate Accountability.

“In the last 20 years since FCTC came into force, governments have developed several tools to enable revisiting of their national legislations to hold industry accountable. One such tool is FCTC Article 19 Civil Liability Toolkit. WHO FCTC Secretariat has also maintained an experts’ database so that governments that have ratified the treaty can receive consultative guidance as required on liability of tobacco corporations,” said Dorado.

World Conference on Tobacco Control 2025 also had adopted a strong Declaration on the need to advance liability of tobacco industries.

“At upcoming COP11 to WHO FCTC intergovernmental meet next month in Geneva, we hope that governments will adapt a report that provides more than 30 recommendations on how governments could use or extend their civil, criminal, administrative, human rights and other forms of liability to challenge industry’s abuses,” shared Dorado.

Agrees Dr Mackay: “FCTC Article 19 on liability has been instrumental in establishing legal defences in the face of a very aggressive industry. We have had some remarkable successes. For example, Uruguay defeated Philip MorrisInternational (biggest tobacco industry globally) in a legal challenge against Uruguay’s strong packaging regulations. Public health won before profits. We must not think that they are ‘undefeatable.’ They are, what in China we would call, paper tigers.”

But it has been a tough fight to protect public health against the tobacco industry. When Australia introduced plain packaging on all tobacco products in 2011, Australia had to fight 3 legal challenges against the tobacco industry: firstly, constitutional; secondly, with regards to bilateral trade agreement; and thirdly, related to World Trade Organization.

Tobacco industry (like Big Food or Big Oil) manoeuvres to hijack the political and legislative process.

Nepal continues to battle tobacco industry for protecting public health

“Because of tobacco industry interference, Nepal’s adoption of comprehensive tobacco control law got delayed. Eventually, Nepal enacted a comprehensive tobacco control law in 2010 with large graphic health warning that was 75% (largest at that time) and complete ban of tobacco advertising. Nepal had to battle tobacco industry in the court for almost three years before this law could be implemented in 2013,” said Dr Tara Singh Bam, Asia Pacific Director (Tobacco Control), Vital Strategies and Board Director of Asia Pacific Cities Alliance for Health and Development (APCAT).

In 2015, Nepal government increased the size of pictorial health warning from 75 to 90%. But it took almost seven years to win legal case against tobacco industry and implement it in 2022. “In 2025 Nepal government increased the size of pictorial health warnings to 100% (both sides of tobacco packs) – largest in the world. This is a milestone public health policy, but Nepal faced significant challenges from the tobacco industry. This had to be implemented from 1st August 2025 but due to tobacco industry lawsuit, its implementation is still pending,” said Dr Bam.

Blockers to progress at UNFCCC and FCTC are the same

“COP30 to UNFCCC and COP11 to FCTC are about corporations whose product and conduct, impacts people and our planet. Tobacco smoking causes death. Tobacco cultivation also harms our planet. Drivers of climate change are the big fossil fuel #BigOil industries that are causing climate change and impacting public health too. When governments globally try to regulate these abusive corporations, they are confronted with similar industry tactics, be it Big Oil or Big Tobacco,” said Akinbode Matthew Oluwafemi, Executive Director, Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa – CAPPA, Nigeria.

“These abusive industries do everything to avoid liability and stop UNFCCC and FCTC from getting implemented and achieve its original objectives. Governments go to intergovernmental meets of UNFCCC and WHO FCTC but find a number of industry representatives sitting at the table either by proxy or by direct representation. We need stringent policies enacted to ensure that abusive corporations like Big Tobacco or Big Nicotine and Big Oil cannot capture public policy,” said Bode.

Agrees Rachel Rose Jackson, Director: Climate Research & Policy, Corporate Accountability (United States) – Kick Big Polluters Out Coalition: “It is important to note that we do not see two intergovernmental meets of UNFCCC (on climate policy) and FCTC (on public health and tobacco control) as separate from each other, because, in fact, they are deeply intertwined – and so is climate and health justice.”

“Those who block critical necessary actions to address climate change or public health and broader systemic crisis are the same in both Treaty spaces (UNFCCC and FCTC) – abusive industry. They use the same playbook and same tactics and deceptive lies in both multilateral spaces in order to distract, delay, defeat or block progress. It is important to also underpin that solutions to advance accountability and liability are also the same. But unlike FCTC, which has Article 5.3 (to stop industry interference) and Article 19 (on liability), we never had such measures in UNFCCC despite it being negotiated for nearly three decades,” said Jackson.

“So, from the very conception of UNFCCC, Big Polluters have been deeply embedded in its development. This is why UNFCCC has failed entirely to galvanise the global action we urgently need to address the climate crisis. Like Big Tobacco, Big Polluters too have rigged the very system that is meant to address climate change. Last year alone more than 1700 fossil fuel lobbyists flooded the climate talks in Baku. Year after year we have seen some of the world’s largest Polluter corporations bankrolling these climate talks. It is no wonder why climate talks have failed year after year. And it is also a no wonder why meaningful science- and evidence-backed actions are failing to come out of climate talks,” added Rachel Rose Jackson. “Millions of lives and livelihoods are at stake.”

This is why over 450 organisations and networks collectively representing millions of people around the world, joined hands to launch Kick Big Polluters Out Coalition. “We have been campaigning and calling for strong measures on liability and accountability in the climate treaty space. We are demanding that ability of Big Polluters to write the rules of climate action must come to an end. No more corporate sponsorship. Full stop,” said Jackson.

Inspired by FCTC and FCTC Article 5.3, for the very first time, all non-governmental participants of climate treaty are publicly required to disclose who is paying for their participation and confirm that their objectives are aligned with UNFCCC and its associated instruments. “This is a huge victory because for the first time in 30 years anything is being done to address or even begin to acknowledge Big Polluters’ influence,” said Jackson.

Shobha Shukla, Bobby Ramakant – CNS (Citizen News Service)

(Shobha Shukla is the Founder Executive Director and Managing Editor of CNS (Citizen News Service) and SDG-3 Lead Discussant at UN Intergovernmental High Level Political Forum 2025. Bobby Ramakant works with CNS. Follow them on X: @Shobha1Shukla, @BobbyRamakant)

–              Shared under Creative Commons (CC)


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Legislator Mkumba vows to continue empowering Ndilande, Malabada constituents

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-Member of Parliament (MP) for Ndilande and Malabada-Nyambadwe constituency, Ismael Rizk Mkumba, has expressed joy over his recent court victory, describing the election petition against him as “malicious, fraudulent, and baseless.”

Speaking to Maravi Post in an interview on Thursday, Mkumba said the judgment was a validation of his hard work and deep connection with his constituents.

“Iam extremely happy with the victory because the petition was merely malicious, fraudulent, and baseless. I managed to secure about 12,000 votes after campaigning for only five days, while my opponent campaigned for almost 12 months,” Nkumba said.

He attributed his success to the long-term investments he has made in uplifting the lives of the people in his area since 2018.

This victory is well-deserved. It shows that the investments I made in the people from 2018 up to polling day have paid dividends,” he added.

Nkumba highlighted his constituency development record, noting that his 2018 campaign motto, “Kuthana ndi Umphawi” (Eradicating Poverty), continues to guide his initiatives.

“I have trained about 2,300 drivers and 3,200 chefs. We have provided small loans through the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) of up to 5,000, and paid bursaries for about 500 needy students some of whom have now graduated with bachelor’s degrees,” he said.

He further claimed that his office has implemented more tangible development projects in six years than the Blantyre City Council has managed in 31 years.

Nkumba reaffirmed his commitment to economic empowerment and development in the constituency.

“I love my people and my people love me. We will not allow any detractors to derail us from our goal of achieving financial freedom. With the MK5.2 billion annual CDF allocation from 2026 poverty will be something of the past,” he said confidently.


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Kawinga’s Ministry feeds thousands Lilongwe communities

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-Salvation for All Ministries International has extended a lifeline to over 4,000 people in Traditional Authority Chiwaura (T.A), Lilongwe District, through the donation of 6,000 bags of maize, as part of its ongoing mission to empower vulnerable communities across Malawi.

The food donation was made during a spirit-filled crusade held at Chiwaura CDSS, led by Apostle Clifford Kawinga, the founder of the ministry.

The outreach comes barely a month after the ministry distributed irrigation farming equipment to farmers in Malawi’s Southern Region, reaffirming its commitment to combining spiritual nourishment with practical humanitarian support.

Speaking during the event in Malembo, Apostle Kawinga emphasized that addressing hunger is essential to effective ministry.

“This is one area that has been affected by hunger due to the dry spells. We thought it wise to come here and spread the good news while donating food because we can’t preach to people who are hungry,” Kawinga said.

He further called on other stakeholders and faith-based organizations to complement government efforts in assisting those affected by the ongoing food crisis.
It is not the responsibility of the government alone. We can all join hands to help families affected by hunger,” he added.

Kawinga also expressed concern that hunger has forced some families to cross into Mozambique and Zambia in search of food, describing the situation as alarming.

Representing TA Chiwaura and all Sub-T/As, Bleston Caleb commended the ministry for the timely support.

“Our area has been hit hard by hunger. We are grateful to Apostle Kawinga and his ministry for this generous gesture,” Caleb said.

One of the beneficiaries, Lucia Chipozi, shared her gratitude, revealing that her family had been going to bed on empty stomachs.

“This maize will surely bail us out. We had nothing to eat for days,” Chipozi said.

Beyond his ministry work, Apostle Kawinga is also a successful entrepreneur and philanthropist the proprietor of Creck Hardware and General Suppliers, CK Storage, Creck Sporting Club, and several other enterprises that contribute to community development and economic empowerment.

Through such initiatives, Salvation for All Ministries International continues to demonstrate that faith in action can bring hope and transformation to struggling communities across Malawi.


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Speaker Suleman urges legislators to show commitment in parliamentary committees

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-Speaker of Parliament Sameer Gaffar Suleman, has called on Members of Parliament (MPs) to work diligently in parliamentary committees, emphasizing that these committees are the engine rooms of Parliament.

Suleman made the call during the opening of a two-day orientation for MPs on parliamentary committees in Lilongwe.

The Speaker stressed that committees play a crucial role in transforming Parliament into a functioning system of checks and balances.

“We are here to work, and work begins in the committees. Expect that I will expect you to work. I will need regular reports from the committees, I will ask for programmes because I will rely on these committees to work effectively,” Suleman said.

He emphasized the importance of MPs questioning, probing, and demanding accountability on behalf of the people who elected them.

The orientation aims to introduce MPs to best practices on gender-responsive budgeting and budget analysis, crucial for committee work.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Representative Chika-Charles Aniekwe noted that the orientation is timely, as it will equip MPs with the necessary skills to effectively carry out their committee duties.

MPs are expected to resume sitting on Wednesday, November 5, 2025, at 2:00 p.m., following the opening of the First Meeting in the 52nd Session of Parliament by President Arthur Peter Mutharika last week.


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Mutharika’s cabinet swearing-in ceremony postponed today, all set for smooth transition

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-In a last-minute change, the Office of the President and Cabinet has announced that the swearing-in ceremony for newly appointed cabinet ministers, deputy ministers, and the Attorney General has been set today Sunday.

The ceremony, initially scheduled for Saturday, at 2 o’clock, will now take place today at the same time.

According to Chief Secretary Dr. Justin Adack K. Saidi, the postponement would not impact the government’s transition process.

President Arthur Peter Mutharika’s administration has been working diligently to ensure a seamless transition, and the new cabinet is set to bring fresh perspectives to the table.

The newly appointed cabinet has garnered attention for its lean structure, with many sectors commending the President for making it the leanest cabinet ever.

The appointments have been praised for striking a balance between competence and representation, with a focus on meritocracy and national unity.

The cabinet’s composition reflects a mix of experienced professionals and new faces, all working towards delivering tangible results for the Malawian people.

Notable appointments include Joseph Mwanamvekha as Minister of Finance, Economic Planning, and Development, and George Chaponda as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

The postponement of the swearing-in ceremony is not expected to delay the government’s work, as the President and his team have been working tirelessly to ensure continuity and stability.

With the ceremony now set for Sunday, Malawians can expect a smooth transition and a renewed sense of purpose from their government.

As the nation awaits the swearing-in ceremony, there is a sense of optimism and hope for a brighter future.

The new cabinet is expected to drive meaningful reforms and work towards addressing the country’s pressing challenges.

With President Mutharika’s leadership, Malawians are confident that their government is in capable hands.


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