‘Angola produces large quantities of oil and diamonds, yet most people don’t see the benefits’

Active Citizens, Africa, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Democracy, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Energy, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, Labour, Natural Resources, TerraViva United Nations

Sep 5 2025 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses recent protests in Angola with Florindo Chivucute, founder and executive director of Friends of Angola, a US-based civil society organisation established in 2014 that works to promote democracy, human rights and good governance in Angola.


The Angolan government’s 1 July decision to remove diesel subsidies, sharply pushing up public transport costs, triggered a series of protests. Angola is one of Africa’s biggest oil producers, but many have seen little benefit from its oil wealth and continue to live in poverty. People have taken to the streets in unprecedented numbers to demand an end to corruption and mismanagement, presenting the ruling party, in power for 50 years, with its biggest test. Security forces have responded to incidences of looting and vandalism with lethal violence. At least 30 people have been killed, 277 injured and over 1,500 arrested.

What triggered the protests?

Fuel subsidy cuts sparked the crisis. The protests began on 28 July, after the government’s decision to remove diesel subsidies immediately pushed up fuel prices. What started as a drivers’ strike in Luanda, the capital, quickly spread to other provinces and escalated into bigger protests.

The impact was devastating. For many families, even a small rise in fuel costs is crushing, because wages have been eroded by years of recession and currency devaluation. When transport costs rise, food prices and school fees rise too, leaving those already struggling unable to make ends meet.

But fuel was just the trigger. The unrest reflected much deeper frustrations, including high unemployment, particularly among young people, growing poverty and anger at corruption and mismanagement. People see public resources channelled into luxury spending and infrastructure deals benefiting a few powerful figures connected to the ruling People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), while basic services and jobs are neglected. Combined with the immediate shock of higher fuel prices, these grievances fuelled widespread anger.

Why are people struggling in such a resource-rich country?

This is the irony at the heart of the crisis. Angola produces large quantities of oil, along with diamonds, yet most people don’t see the benefits. Mismanagement and entrenched corruption are central to the problem. Revenues from natural resources have too often been captured by networks close to political power and channelled abroad or invested in ways that don’t create jobs.

Angola’s dependence on fuel imports makes the situation worse. We don’t have sufficient domestic refining capacity. Instead of using oil revenues to build refineries and strengthen local industry, a system emerged in which those with political connections profited from importing refined products back into the country. This removed incentives to invest in local processing or agriculture. The result is a tiny wealthy elite and a large majority with very low wages and limited access to services.

What do these protests reveal about the government’s grip on power?

The protests have marked a turning point. The MPLA has dominated politics since independence in 1975, and large-scale protests are not common. The fact that so many people were willing to take to the streets, particularly in and around the capital, shows growing discontent with the government and ruling party.

The authorities’ reaction has been heavy-handed. Security forces have used teargas and live ammunition in some cases, and carried out numerous arrests, including of union leaders and journalists. In some areas protests were accompanied by looting and, tragically, by deadly clashes with security forces. Civil society has since called for investigations into the killings and for accountability for those responsible.

The government’s strategy risks backfiring. By responding with force and detentions, it risks creating a greater sense of mistrust and frustration, which could influence how people engage with political processes as we approach the 2027 election.

How is civil society organising and what challenges does it face?

Civil society – including church groups, trade unions and local associations — has mobilised quickly to call for accountability and transparency. New coalitions are forming; for example, groups such as the Bishops’ Conference of Angola and São Tomé and Príncipe’s Episcopal Commission for Justice and Peace, Friends of Angola, the Justice, Peace and Democracy Association and Pro Bono Angola are working with religious organisations to push for investigations into the killings and provide humanitarian support to families affected by the unrest.

But the environment is hostile. Funding for democracy and human rights work is scarce, so organisations struggle to pay staff or sustain programmes.

State surveillance creates another barrier. The state has invested heavily in surveillance infrastructure, and civil society organisations are often targeted by cyber intrusions and closely monitored. The legacy of communist authoritarian rule creates deep mistrust, which makes organising more difficult.

Language barriers limit international support. Much of the work happens in Portuguese, which limits reach to the wider international audience that often communicates in English, French or Spanish.

Additional restrictions threaten to further tighten civic space. Recent draconian measures include the 2024 National Security Bill and the Bill on the Crime of Vandalism of Public Goods and Services. In addition, the 2023 draft law on Non-Governmental Organizations, approved by presidential decree, imposed harsh regulations. These restrictive laws and policies undermine fundamental freedoms and, if fully implemented, risk worsening the already limited environment for civil society in Angola.

What would it take to address the underlying problems?

Strong political will is needed to tackle corruption and manage public finances transparently. This means opening up procurement and fiscal data, pursuing accountability for past abuses, and ensuring resource revenues are channelled into public priorities such as hospitals, local industry and schools. Investment in education, healthcare and small-scale agriculture would create jobs, strengthen livelihoods and reduce dependence on imports.

Institutional reform is equally vital. This means protecting property rights, improving the business environment so investment generates employment and strengthening an independent judiciary and electoral processes so people can seek change through democratic channels.

International partners have a role to play by supporting electoral transparency and demanding accountability from companies and governments that operate in Angola.

The 2027 election will offer a crucial test. The international community should pay close attention and support reforms that increase transparency and electoral integrity. Electoral reforms and the clear, public release of results at the local level would go a long way towards restoring confidence in democratic processes.

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SEE ALSO
Angola: ‘Criticising the government means risking arbitrary detention, intimidation and physical assault’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Pedro Paka 30.Jul.2025
Angola: Repressive new laws threaten civic space CIVICUS Monitor 15.Sep.2024
Angola: ‘The untrue government narrative reveals an aversion to civil society denouncing malpractice’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Emilio José Manuel 01.Jan.2025

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Kerala’s Human-Elephant ‘Conflict’: Time To Understand a Complex Relationship

Asia-Pacific, Biodiversity, Civil Society, Conservation, Environment, Featured, Headlines, Natural Resources, TerraViva United Nations

Conservation

Elephants at the Kappukadu elephant rehabilitation center in Kottoor.

Elephants at the Kappukadu elephant rehabilitation center in Kottoor.

NEW DELHI, Sep 5 2025 (IPS) – In the early part of this year, two deaths in Kerala garnered major media attention. A farmer in Wayanad and a female plantation worker in Idukki were killed in two separate events, within a matter of a few days, by wild elephants.

Arikomban, another wild elephant, has become a media favorite recently due to his brushes with human settlements near his habitat. Named so because of his love for ari (rice), the elephant had been relocated from Kerala to Tamil Nadu in 2023 following constant protests from people who also claimed him to be ‘life-threatening.’ Kerala’s news outlets widely covered Arikomban’s relocation.


These aren’t one-off cases in Kerala, which has seen a spike in human–wildlife conflict, especially involving elephants.

According to a news report, 451 people have been killed in wildlife conflicts in the past five years alone in the state, with 102 of them caused by elephants.

However, wildlife biologists and environmentalists have been at odds with the narratives promoted by the media and society regarding what constitutes conflict.

“I think we shouldn’t be using the terminology ‘wildlife conflict’ itself. I would prefer addressing it as ‘negative wildlife interaction,’” says Dr. P.S. Easa, who holds a PhD on Elephant Ecology and Behavior and is a member of the National Board for Wildlife and the IUCN, Asian Elephant Specialist Group.

The conflict between wild animals and humans has been going on for centuries, and what we witness in the current era has been influenced by the transformation in the behavior of both these groups, as well as humans’ perception towards wildlife in general, he adds.

In Kerala’s social framework, the rising phenomenon of human–elephant conflict takes on a much deeper and more complex meaning than the broader topic of conflict with wildlife. Elephants have been an integral part of Kerala’s culture and tradition for centuries—domesticated not just for heavy labor but also as part of temple festivals. In the last few decades, machines have replaced elephants in much of the labor environment in the state, yet the land giants continue to be a part of the festival parades. Animal behavioral experts and activists have been consistently raising their voices against this practice in this century, citing the need to treat elephants as solely wild animals.

Easa refuses to even use the term “domesticated” for them.

“Captive elephants are the only right way to address them in this age and time,” he says.

In 2024 alone, there had been nine reported deaths in Kerala by such captive elephants. The Hindu reported six such deaths, including an elephant mahout, within the first two months of this year. Although there have been stricter rules and regulations in recent years on using captive elephants for temple festivals, they have mostly been restricted to paper. The religious nature of the festivals that these elephants are made to be a part of makes the topic even more sensitive, and political parties tend to stay away from addressing the issue.

Kerala’s elephant reserves have been categorized mainly into four regions, namely Wayanad, Nilambur, Anamudi, and Periyar. Periyar Reserve had the highest count of elephants, followed by the Anamudi Reserve. According to the Kerala Government’s Forest Statistics and the report of the ‘Wild Elephants Census of Kerala,’ the four reserves have a combined total extent of 11,199.049 sq. km., out of which only 1,576.339 sq. km. is assessed to be devoid of elephant population. According to a 2024 official assessment, Kerala had an elephant population of just under 1800, a decline of more than 100 from the previous year.

As Kerala’s elephant reserves border the neighboring states of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, natural factors that affect the elephant population, like extreme drought and heavy, abrupt rainfall, influence the elephants’ migration across the states during the year.

In Kerala, particularly, shrinking forest habitats caused by deforestation and the increasing presence of human settlements in regions historically occupied by elephant populations, coupled with climate change and the invasive plant species erasing the elephants’ natural food sources, are some of the factors causing unnatural elephant migration, according to experts, and as a consequence, resulting in frequent interactions with humans.

The phrase “descent of wildlife into human settlements” itself is a misnomer, Eesa says.

“In almost all such cases, human settlements had crossed over to those places where the wildlife had existed peacefully before. Wayanad and Idukki are classic examples of this.”

“There was a report that I had come across a while ago—of an ‘elephant attack’ that happened in Sholayar Forest Reserve. Look at the irony of that news. It’s a forest reserve—the habitat belongs to the elephant, not the people who were driving through it. What I’m saying is, every time an elephant conflict is reported, you need to dissect all the circumstances surrounding it. Where—was it within the jungle or outside it? When was it, during the daytime or at night? And how? What were the circumstances leading up to the interaction?” he explains.

The drastic increase in food waste owing to tourism in Kerala has been another factor for wild animals encroaching into human spaces lately. Elephants, wild boars, and monkeys have been observed to have come to human settlements to feed on the food waste.

There is no one, foolproof method to resolve the human–elephant conflict, scientists opine. Easa points out that several techniques that had been fruitful in African countries proved ineffective when used in countries like Sri Lanka and Indonesia.

A mahout riding a captive elephant. Kerala continues to make use of elephants for temple festivals and parades.

A mahout is seen riding a captive elephant. Kerala continues to make use of elephants for temple festivals and parades.

Wildlife biologist Sreedhar Vijayakrishnan, in an interview given to Mongabay in 2023, suggests five main long-term measures that will help mitigate human-elephant conflict. This includes initiating long-term studies to understand elephant movements and spatiotemporal patterns of conflict, which will help ascertain where and how interventions are required; tracking areas of elephant movement and identifying regions of intense use while installing alert lights at vantage points that can be triggered in case of elephant sightings; raising awareness among local populations to discourage feeding elephants or unwanted interactions; training local rapid response teams to prevent negative interactions and indiscriminate drives; and fitting satellite collars on elephants that frequently cause issues.

Kerala also has an elephant rehabilitation center established in Kottoor, Thiruvananthapuram, for rescuing, rehabilitating, and protecting both captive and wild elephants. The state, like other forest reserves in India, has historically chosen to turn many of the captured conflict-making elephants into ‘Kumkis’ (a Kumki elephant is a specially trained and domesticated elephant used in rescue operations and to train other wild elephants and manage wildlife conflict).

Apart from the above, one of the most effective measures that has been implemented in Kerala is through the Wayanad Elephant Conflict Mitigation Project by the Wildlife Trust of India (WTI). The project, first initiated in 2002–2003 by WTI, has evolved into a successful model for tackling human–elephant conflict in Kerala. The model has focused on relocating human settlements from places identified as ‘elephant corridors’ in the Wayanad district of Kerala. Wayanad, spanning a total of 2,131 sq. km., has an elephant reserve spread over 1,200 sq. km., with an elephant density of 0.25 elephants/sq. km.

Shajan M.A., a Senior Field Officer with WTI who handles the project currently, tells me, “Our method is to buy such sensitive land from the people, including both tribal and other communities, and relocate them to safer regions, away from wildlife conflict.” Ultimately, WTI hands over the purchased land to the Kerala Forest Department.

In regions like the Tirunelli–Kudrakote elephant corridor, the human–elephant conflict had escalated so much that it had resulted in several human deaths. For the communities, leaving a land they had occupied for decades and considered home is never easy, Shajan acknowledges. But of all the tried and tested methods to deal with the human–wildlife conflict, this approach has been the most effective in the long run, he points out.

Shajan also muses on the question of what exactly comprises a ‘conflict.’

“Conflict can hold different meanings. From a monkey stealing food from the house to a tiger or an elephant attack on a human, even leading to deaths, it’s all considered a human–wildlife conflict. Sadly, we, as a society, tend to be reactive once it transforms into a conflict and place the blame wholly on the wildlife.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Togo’s Young Generation Challenges Six Decades of Dynastic Rule

Active Citizens, Africa, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Democracy, Energy, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, Labour, Press Freedom, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Credit: Pascal.Van, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0

MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Sep 2 2025 (IPS) – In late June, thousands flooded the streets of Lomé, Togo’s capital, presenting the ruling dynasty with its biggest challenge in decades.

The catalyst was constitutional manoeuvring by President Faure Gnassingbé to maintain his grip on power. In March 2024, his government pushed through constitutional amendments that transformed Togo from a presidential to a parliamentary system. This created a new position, the President of the Council of Ministers – effectively Togo’s chief executive – elected by parliament rather than by popular vote, and with no term limits. Gnassingbé assumed this new role in May, making it abundantly clear the changes were only about keeping him in power indefinitely.


This constitutional manoeuvre was the latest episode in a 58-year family saga that began when Faure’s father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, seized power in a 1967 coup. For 25 years, the elder Gnassingbé ruled over a one-party state, staging ritual elections that reached absurd heights in 1986 when he claimed re-election with close to 100 per cent of votes on an implausible 99 per cent turnout. Even after nominal multiparty democracy arrived in 1992, elections remained charades with predetermined outcomes, as opposition parties faced systematic obstacles that made fair competition impossible.

When Eyadéma died in 2005, the military simply appointed his son Faure as successor, despite the constitution mandating immediate elections. International pressure forced a hastily organised vote, but this followed the familiar script of violence, fraud and repression. The pattern repeated in 2010, 2015 and 2020, with each election offering a veneer of legitimacy for continued authoritarian rule – and eliciting successive waves of protest that were either violently repressed or pre-emptively suppressed.

Now, two decades after Faure took power, this latest constitutional gambit has triggered the most significant challenge to his rule. The constitutional changes designed to keep him in power have instead galvanised opposition, creating a focal point for decades of accumulated grievances.

The current protests differ from their predecessors by being overwhelmingly led by young people who’ve never known any other leaders than the Gnassingbés. Raised on promises of multiparty democracy, they’ve witnessed systematic electoral fraud to perpetuate a government wholly unresponsive to their needs. They connect their daily struggles with unemployment, power outages and crumbling infrastructure with the long-term denial of their democratic freedoms.

The arrest in May of a popular rapper and TikToker, Aamron – for posting a video calling for street protests to coincide with Gnassingbé’s birthday on 6 June – galvanised discontent, turning simmering frustration into organised resistance. Aamron’s detention sparked the formation of the 6 June Movement (M66), led by young artists, bloggers, diaspora-based activists and civil society figures who rely heavily on social media to coordinate protests, bypassing state-controlled channels.

The government’s response, however, has followed a familiar path of authoritarian crackdown. In late June, security forces killed at least seven people, including 15-year-old Jacques Koami Koutoglo, and they’ve also used teargas, beatings and mass arrests against protesters. The regime has detained journalists, forced deletion of protest footage and imposed internet shutdowns during protests. It has suspended international media outlets including France 24 and RFI for their protest coverage. it has even issued international arrest warrants for M66 leaders based abroad, accusing them of terrorism and subversion.

Protests have continued despite repression. The leadership of young people, less intimidated by the security apparatus and better connected through social media, has allowed for the diversification of opposition tactics, with activists shifting between street protests, legal challenges and international advocacy as circumstances dictate. The diaspora is also playing a role, with Togolese communities abroad organising solidarity protests and advocating with international organisations for sanctions against the Gnassingbé regime.

Significant obstacles however remain. Gnassingbé controls all levers of power, including security forces, the electoral commission and the Constitutional Court. For a democratic transition to result, international pressure would need to intensify, including the imposition of targeted sanctions on regime officials and their economic interests. Regional bodies, particularly the Economic Community of West African States, would need to act, including by threatening to suspend Togo until democratic reforms are implemented.

Whether these protests trigger democratic change or become yet another chapter in the history of repressed dissent will ultimately depend on the ability of pro-democracy forces to sustain pressure and whether the international community finally decides to act. Gnassingbé’s constitutional manoeuvre may prove to be his final act, not because it succeeded in keeping him in power, but because it awakened a new generation. Togo’s young people have discovered the power of collective action—and that could prove decisive.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

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Hypertension and Diabetes Grows Among India’s Poor Communities

Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Climate Change, Featured, Gender, Headlines, Health, Population, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Women’s Health

Health

A patient being checked for BP at Mann PHC. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

A patient being checked for BP at Mann PHC. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

MANN, India, Aug 26 2025 (IPS) – Generally thought to be diseases of the wealthier classes, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like hypertension and diabetes are on the rise among India’s underprivileged working classes in semi-urban and rural sprawls.


Take the case of Mohan Ahire. A middle-aged gardener in Pune, Mohan never realized that the heaviness in his head was a symptom of hypertension. Last summer, a mid-morning visit to the market saw him fall unconscious on return. Upon regaining consciousness, his wife and sons discovered the paralysis on the right side of his body, leading doctors to diagnose it as a stroke.

Bahinabai Gaekwad, a 56-year-old sweeper in Mann village, was at work when she suddenly collapsed and died. Doctors from the Primary Health Centre (PHC) next door found that she had been suffering from undiagnosed hypertension for a long time. The ailment ultimately led to a fatal cardiac arrest.

The worst problem is that most patients from underprivileged sections are not aware of their health condition.

Praful Mahato, a migrant laborer from Balasore in Odisha, who is currently employed in a dhaba (roadside eatery) in Mann, a fast-industrializing rural outpost of Pune city, had been suffering from heaviness and dizzy spells for some time. But he attributed his symptons to long hours at work and resulting fatigue. A chance visit to a medical camp confirmed high blood pressure and diabetes. Since the last four months, medication has controlled his blood pressure and brought down his sugar level.

Jagdish Mondol, in his 50s, did not realize he had hypertension and diabetes until he needed to undergo a hernia operation at a government hospital in Bhadrak, Odisha. This was despite blurred vision and difficulty in walking. Thankfully, the operation got him to wake up to his health condition. Regular medication has now improved his blood pressure and sugar level.

Fortunately, some patients may seek help on their own. Lalita Parshuram Jadhav, a 40-year-old migrant construction worker from Yavatmal, is one such. “Since the last two years, I have been experiencing pain in my legs; it became quite acute over the past year,” she tells IPS. A medical check-up confirmed hypertension and high sugar levels.

India’s Hypertension and Diabetes Epidemic

The cases cited above exemplify the rising burden of India’s non-communicable disease (NCD) of Hypertension and Diabetes. Ranked among the top ten NCDs responsible for untimely deaths worldwide, these two diseases are interlinked. This means those with hypertension are also vulnerable to developing prediabetes and diabetes.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), an estimated 1.28 billion adults in the 30-79 age group suffer from hypertension, with two-thirds of them living in low- and middle-income countries. Yet, only 21 percent of those affected have their hypertension under control, while around 46 percent of these remain unaware of their condition and remain undiagnosed and untreated.

Diabetes, notably, can be of two varieties. Type 1 Diabetes is a congenital condition, while Type 2 diabetes is a lifestyle disease that develops later in life. South Asians, Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans have a significantly higher risk of developing the disorder.

The International Diabetes Federation (IDF) recorded a dramatic increase in the number of people affected by Type 2 Diabetes globally since the 1990s, and since 2000, the rise has been dramatic. In India, there are an estimated 77 million people above the age of 18 years suffering from diabetes (type 2), while nearly 25 million are prediabetic (at a higher risk of developing diabetes in the future). Yet, more than 50 percent of these are unaware of their diabetic status.

In India, the prevalence of Diabetes rose from 7.1 percent in 2009 to 8.9 percent in 2019. Meanwhile, 25.2 million adults are estimated to have Impaired Glucose Tolerance (IGT), a prediabetic condition that is estimated to increase to 35.7 million in the year 2045. It is also estimated that approximately 43.9 million people suffering from diabetes remain undiagnosed and untreated in India, posing a major public health risk.

It is a matter of concern that most deaths from these diseases occur in the 30- to 70-year-old age group, posing a major economic loss.

In Mann, doctors at primary health centers (PHCs) are battling this scourge, with hypertension affecting around 28 percent of the population and 12 percent being diabetic. The scenario is similar to that at Mullaheera, in rural Haryana, located just outside the national capital region of Delhi.

Dr. Sona Deshmukh, from the People-to-People Foundation, which is collaborating with the Government of India on its Viksit Bharat @2047 initiative and the in-charge for the Pranaa Project, tells me, “Diabetes is common among the older population, but hypertension is rising among the youth.”

Dangers Posed by Hypertension and Diabetes

The problem with both Hypertension and Diabetes is socio-cultural, with most people viewing these diseases as benign. Yet, ignoring them can lead to paralytic strokes and ultimately, death.

Characterized by headaches, blurred vision, nosebleeds, buzzing in the ears, and chest pain,  uncontrolled and untreated hypertension can lead to—

  • chest pain (also termed angina);
  • heart attack, which occurs when the blood supply to the heart is blocked and heart muscle cells die from lack of oxygen.
  • heart failure, which occurs when the heart cannot pump enough blood and oxygen to other vital body organs; and
  • sudden death due to irregular heartbeat.

This is because excessive blood pressure can harden arteries, decreasing the flow of blood and oxygen to the heart. This elevated pressure and reduced blood flow can result in the complications listed above, besides bursting or blocking arteries that supply blood and oxygen to the brain, causing a stroke. It can also cause kidney damage, resulting in kidney failure.

In the case of Diabetes, the body is unable to either produce or use insulin effectively. While individuals with Type I diabetes have a congenital condition wherein the insulin-producing cells in the pancreas are attacked and destroyed, patients with Type II diabetes—which is a preventable lifestyle-related disease—either do not produce enough insulin or are unable to use insulin effectively for the body’s needs. Uncontrolled diabetes can lead to blindness and organ failures that affect the kidneys, heart, and nerves, ultimately leading to diabetic strokes and death.

Reasons Behind the Spurt

So, what are the reasons behind the spurt? Government Medical Officers Dr. Mayadevi Gujar and Dr. Vaishali Patil say, “The transition of many rural outposts into semi-urban industrialized zones has brought in lifestyle changes. Locals, who once partook of healthy home-cooked millets or cereals, now eat cheap, oily snacks from wayside kiosks cooked in reused palm oil. With more disposable income, workers lean towards sugary soft drinks and fast food, making them prone to diabetes. Addictions like tobacco and alcohol are on the rise. Tobacco-chewing remains common to both men and women in rural India.”

Additionally, with climate change affecting agricultural incomes in rural India, the younger generation is stressed with employment issues. These make a potent recipe for hypertension and diabetes.

Dr. Sundeep Salvi, a noted specialist in cardiovascular diseases, who heads the Pulmocare Research and Education (PURE) Foundation and has chaired the respiratory group for the Global Burden of Disease Study, adds, “Unlike in the past, people eat and sleep late, watch late-night television, drink endless cups of tea and coffee, and work late hours. Skipping meals is common, with little time for exercise. Sleep deprivation is a fallout of this. Stress and inadequate sleep are a deadly combination, feeding hypertension and diabetes.”

Salvi calls for hydration and good nutrition to stave off hypertension and diabetes. “Excess tea and coffee are harmful. Caffeine-present in tea and coffee-is a diuretic; it prevents hydration. A dehydrated constitution results in hypertension and diabetes, which, in turn, cause heart disease, stroke, kidney diseases, and eventually, death.”

He also views air pollution as a major risk.

“By air pollution, I am referring to both indoor and outdoor pollution. In rural areas, the burning of crop waste causes outdoor pollution. But indoor pollution in rural homes and urban slums is 5–10 times greater than outdoor pollution. High levels of particulate matter contribute to 20 percent of the global burden of diabetes, as well as hypertension.

Diabetologist and Director of the Diabetes Unit at Pune’s KEM Hospital Prof. Chittaranjan Yajnik, who has been working on this issue for over two decades, has an interesting take on the matter based on his findings.

Yajnik sees a direct correlation between vulnerability to diabetes and poor intrauterine growth.

“Poor intrauterine growth reflects in poor organ growth, especially of the infra-diaphragmatic organs (liver, pancreas, kidneys, and legs), reducing their capacity to perform adequately in later years. Such individuals, when faced with overnutrition and calories later in life, end up with prediabetes and diabetes.”

Yajnik’s research found that two-thirds of prediabetic girls and a third of the prediabetic boys were underweight at birth.

“These findings are suggestive of a ‘dual teratogenesis’ concept, which envisages a combination of undernutrition and overnutrition over a life course due to rapid socio-economic and nutritional transition…” This means intrauterine programming of diabetes needs to be supported in growth-retarded babies since metabolic abnormalities develop very early in life.

Yajnik certainly has a point, since anemia in expectant mothers and low birthweight babies is a major problem all over India. The National Family Health Surveys conducted over the years by the Government have shown a persistently high prevalence of fetal growth restriction in Indian babies. This phenomenon is linked to low birth weight in newborns, which is as high as 18.24 percent, according to the latest data.

The Solution

Recently, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) of the Government of India has implemented several schemes nationwide at the primary health level, starting with nutrition, medical care, and immunization for pregnant mothers while ensuring institutional delivery. Offspring are also extended comprehensive help for the 4 D’s (defects at birth, diseases, deficiencies, and developmental delays), immunization, supplementary nutrition, and WASH interventions. These continue through adolescence to prepare a healthy population for reproductive age.

Meanwhile, weekly wellness sessions have been introduced all over India. Deshmukh adds, “Regular screenings for hypertension and diabetes are done every few months for early detection and follow-up. Counselling sessions encourage people to adopt healthier lifestyles, while Yoga is being popularized through events like the International Yoga Day.”

These initiatives, one hopes, will arrest the epidemic.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Aid Funding Crisis Means Parliamentarians’ Visionary Leadership Even More Crucial

Africa, Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Climate Change, Conferences, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Editors’ Choice, Featured, Gender, Headlines, Health, Humanitarian Emergencies, Middle East & North Africa, Population, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Women’s Health, Youth

Population

Dr. Alvaro Bermejo, Director General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) addresses the Let's Discuss the Future of Africa Together seminar that took place last week (August 21) on the sidelines of TICAD9 in Yokohama City, Japan. Credit: APDA

Dr. Alvaro Bermejo, Director General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) addresses the Let’s Discuss the Future of Africa Together seminar that took place last week (August 21) on the sidelines of TICAD9 in Yokohama City, Japan. Credit: APDA

YOKOHAMA CITY, Japan & JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, Aug 25 2025 (IPS) – As funding for sexual and reproductive health rights was on a “cliff edge,” parliamentarians now needed to play a “visionary” leadership role because “financing strong, resilient health systems for all their people rests with governments,” said Dr. Alvaro Bermejo, Director General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF).


He was speaking at the Let’s Discuss the Future of Africa Together seminar that took place last week (August 21) on the sidelines of TICAD9 in Yokohama City, Japan.

The session was organized by the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), in collaboration with the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians for Population and Development (FAPPD) and the African Parliamentary Forum on Population and Development (FPA).

He told parliamentarians that their role is most critical.

“Africa’s health faces a serious challenge: According to WHO’s latest analysis, health aid is projected to decline by up to 40% this year compared to just two years ago. This is not a gradual shift—it is a cliff edge,” Bermejo said. “You know as well as I do that lifesaving medicines are sitting in warehouses, health workers are losing jobs, clinics are closing, and millions are missing care.”

While this reality was outrageous, it needed to be adapted to.

“And in this crisis lies an opportunity—an opportunity to shake off the yoke of aid dependency and embrace a new era of sovereignty, self-reliance, and solidarity,” with a clear mission to protect the health and lives of women and vulnerable populations through delivering high-quality sexual and reproductive health services.

Parliamentarians engaged in debates during a policy dialogue seminar organised by the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), in collaboration with the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians for Population and Development (FAPPD) and the African Parliamentary Forum on Population and Development (FPA). Credit: APDA

Parliamentarians engaged in debates during a policy dialogue seminar organized by the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), in collaboration with the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians for Population and Development (FAPPD) and the African Parliamentary Forum on Population and Development (FPA). Credit: APDA

This seminar and another in the series, Policy Dialogue on the Africa-Japan Partnership for Population and Development, were both supported by the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) Arab States Regional Office (ASRO), the Japan Trust Fund (JTF) and IPPF.

During the discussions, a wide range of topics about population dynamics in Africa and Africa-Japan cooperation were discussed.

In his opening remarks, Ichiro Aisawa, a member of the House of Representatives of Japan, told the seminar it was necessary to take joint action across borders and generations.

“Youth holds the key to unlocking Africa’s future. By 2050, it is predicted that approximately 70 percent of Africa’s population will be under the age of 30. As African countries enter a demographic dividend period, the role played by parliamentarians in each country will be extremely important.

Aisawa said it was necessary to listen to the voices of the community in addressing issues related to youth empowerment, gender equality, and sexual and reproductive health (SRH).

Parliamentarians should take “concrete action through legislation and policies; it is essential to harnessing the potential of young people, directly linking them to social and economic growth, and creating a society in which no one is left behind.”

Yoko Kamikawa, Chairperson of Japan Parliamentarians for Population (JPFP), addresses a seminar for African and Asian parliamentarians on the sidelines of the TICAD9 in Yokohama City, Japan. Credit: APDA

Yoko Kamikawa, Chairperson of Japan Parliamentarians for Population (JPFP), addresses a seminar for African and Asian parliamentarians on the sidelines of the TICAD9 in Yokohama City, Japan. Credit: APDA

During the discussions, representatives from Africa gave examples of how Japan had supported their health initiatives, especially important in a climate of decreasing aid.

Maneno Zumura, an MP from Uganda, said what compounded the issues in her country and in Africa was “the changes in climate. The unpredicted climate has affected agricultural activities by 40 percent, especially in drought-prone areas of the country.” This had resulted in nearly a quarter (24 percent) of children experiencing malnutrition.

However, she noted that Japan had made considerable contributions to education and health.

“As we assess Uganda’s development and Japan’s impact, it’s clear that sustainable progress thrives on global solidarity and local governance. Key achievements include a 62 percent rise in women’s incomes through cooperatives, a 50 percent drop in maternal mortality in refugee settlements, and supporting the road infrastructure and education, illustrating how policy-driven interventions can break cycles of poverty and inequality.”

There were several specific projects she alluded to, including education experts from Japan who contributed to an improvement of the quality of primary education in districts of Wakiso, Mbale, and Arua through the Quality Improvement in Primary Education Project (2021-2023). They also trained 1,500 teachers in participatory teaching methods.

“The Government of Japan supported the vulnerable communities like refugees and host communities by strengthening the social services like health in refugee camps like Rhino Camp,” Zumura continued, including construction of a health center with antenatal facilities serving over 300,000 people in camps of Bidibidi and Rhino Camp. They also trained 200 health workers in the management of childhood illnesses and maternal health care.

Mwene Luhamba, MP, Zambia, said his country was looking forward to partnering with Japan in expanding One-Stop Reproductive Health Services, enhancing parliamentary engagement, and investing in youth programs.

Bermejo said part of the solution to the development issues is to confront constraints.

“Some countries in Africa do need global solidarity, but what Africa needs from the world, more than anything else, is fair terms. We must also confront the structural constraints. Debt service burdens are crowding out social investments. Let us seize this moment, not just to repair but to transform,” he said. “Sexual and reproductive health services save lives. They empower individuals, promote dignity, and drive national development.”

In her closing remarks, Yoko Kamikawa, Chairperson of Japan Parliamentarians for Population (JPFP), said that it was through dialogue across borders and sectors that “we build consensus, strengthen legal frameworks, and ensure that national strategies reflect the voices of all people and empower them—especially women and youth.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Human Rights Watch Warns of Surge in Executions in Saudi Arabia

Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Headlines, Human Rights, Middle East & North Africa, Press Freedom, TerraViva United Nations

Eloy Alfaro de Alba (with gavel), Permanent Representative of Panama to the United Nations and President of the Security Council for the Month of August, chairs the Security Council meeting on the situation in the Middle East. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

UNITED NATIONS, Aug 21 2025 (IPS) – Human rights groups have expressed alarm over the surge in unprecedented executions in Saudi Arabia in 2025. Humanitarian experts have underscored the Saudi Arabian monarchy’s use of the death penalty to silence peaceful dissent among civilians and impose justice for minor offenses, with little to no due process.


On August 11, Human Rights Watch (HRW) raised the alarm on the rise in executions of civilians and foreign nationals in Saudi Arabia. Their new report highlighted the June 14 execution of journalist Turki al-Jasser, who worked to expose corruption and human rights violations linked to the Saudi monarchy.

Following al-Jasser’s execution, Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry issued a statement in which it accused al-Jasser of committing “terrorist crimes” and “destabilizing the security of society and the stability of the state”. This follows the 2024 execution of Abdullah al-Shamri, a Saudi political analyst, after appearing as a political commentator on broadcast news for prominent media organizations.

“The June 2025 execution of Saudi journalist Turki al-Jasser, after seven years of arbitrary imprisonment on fabricated charges over his online publications, is a chilling testament to the kingdom’s zero tolerance to peaceful dissent and criticism, and a grim reminder of the peril journalists face in Saudi Arabia,” said Sylvia Mbataru, a researcher of civic space at CIVICUS Global Alliance.

HRW reports that Saudi authorities are pursuing the death penalty against Islamic scholar Salman al-Odah and religious reformist activist Hassan Farhan al-Maliki on vague charges related to the peaceful and public expression of their beliefs.

“Behind closed doors, Saudi Arabia is executing peaceful activists and journalists following politicized trials,” said Abdullah Alaoudh, senior director of countering authoritarianism at the Middle East Democracy Center. “These state-sanctioned killings are an assault on basic human rights and dignity that the world cannot afford to ignore.”

Figures from HRW show that as of August 5, Saudi authorities had carried out over 241 executions in 2025. including 22 alone on the week of August 4. Amnesty International reports that 2024 set a new record for annual executions in Saudi Arabia, documenting at least 345. The human rights organization Reprieve projects that if executions are carried out at the same rate, 2025 could exceed all prior records.

“Saudi authorities have weaponized the country’s justice system to carry out a terrifying number of executions in 2025,” said Joey Shea, researcher for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates at Human Rights Watch. “The surge in executions is just the latest evidence of the brutally autocratic rule of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.”

Estimates from Reprieve show that roughly 162 of this year’s recorded executions were for minor drug-related offenses, with over half involving foreign nationals. HRW reports that none of these executions followed due process, making it highly unlikely that any of those executed received a fair trial.

“Saudi Arabia’s relentless and ruthless use of the death penalty after grossly unfair trials not only demonstrates a chilling disregard for human life; its application for drug-related offenses is also an egregious violation of international law and standards,” said Kristine Beckerle, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa.

“We are witnessing a truly horrifying trend, with foreign nationals being put to death at a startling rate for crimes that should never carry the death penalty. This report exposes the dark and deadly reality behind the progressive image that the authorities attempt to project globally.”

Earlier this year, Amnesty International, the European Saudi Organization for Human Rights, and Justice Project Pakistan documented the cases of 25 foreign nations who were on death row or have been executed in Saudi Arabia for drug-related offenses. The investigation found that the majority of individuals on death row were not afforded their fundamental human rights, such as access to a legal representative, interpretation services, and consular support. Additionally, Amnesty International reported that in many of these cases, individuals from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds faced heightened risks of discrimination in legal proceedings.

Furthermore, it was reported that at least four of these cases involved the use of torture and ill treatment in detention facilities to extract confessions from individuals charged with drug-related crimes. For many of these individuals, their families were not informed of the status of their convictions and were only notified of an execution the day prior. In all cases of execution, Amnesty International reported that the bodies of executed individuals were withheld by Saudi authorities.

The recent surge in executions has drawn immense criticism from human rights groups for violating international humanitarian law. Although Saudi Arabia has not acceded to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a multilateral treaty adopted by the UN that promoted an inherent right to life and due process, it has ratified the Arab Charter on Human Rights, which obligates that Saudi Arabian security forces are only to use the death penalty for the “most serious crimes”.

Mandeep Tiwana, the Secretary-General of CIVICUS Global Alliance, informed IPS that the current civic space conditions in Saudi Arabia are listed as “closed”, indicating that civilians hold little to no power and are bereft of the ability to represent themselves in governmental affairs and peacefully dissent. “This means that those who criticize the authorities or engage in protests of any kind or seek to form associations that demand transformational change can face severe forms of persecution including imprisonment for long periods, physical abuse and even death.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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