Waves of Change: From the Glittering Shores of Nice to Struggling Seaweed Farmers in Zanzibar

Africa, Biodiversity, Civil Society, Climate Change, Climate Change Justice, Editors’ Choice, Environment, Europe, Featured, Headlines, Ocean Health, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Conservation

Yachts dock in Port Lympia, Nice, where the 3rd United Nations Ocean Conference is underway. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

Yachts dock in Port Lympia, Nice, where the 3rd United Nations Ocean Conference is underway. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

NICE, France, Jun 10 2025 (IPS) – The late afternoon sun sparkles on the waters of the French Riviera as yachts dock at the Port of Nice with mechanical grace. A tram glides past palm-lined boulevards, where joggers, drenched in sweat, huff past leisurely strollers and sunbathers. Just beside the promenade, a crowd gathers around a young girl. With braided hair bouncing in rhythm, she belts out Beyoncé’s Halo with stunning precision. Her bare feet dance on the cobblestones, her voice echoing against the pastel façades.


Tourists smile and drop coins into her hat. She grins, curtsies, and begins again. Her melody, effortless yet soulful, is a momentary respite from the conference halls just a few blocks away, where global leaders in gleaming designer suits dart to and from the United Nations Ocean Conference—a stone throw away.

Among those representing Africa is Tanzanian Vice-President Philip Mpango, who reaffirmed his government’s commitment to the sustainable conservation of oceans and marine resources, citing national efforts to combat pollution, overfishing, and the common affliction of climate.

“We must take action to protect our oceans and marine ecosystems. The challenges are enormous, but there is always hope for  when we build resilience  against the harsh impacts  of climate change that threaten our  coastal communities,” Mpango said in a statement aired back home on national television, TBC.

But as policymakers speak of high-level goals, thousands of kilometers away on the sun-scorched coast of Zanzibar, 43-year-old Amina Ali squats barefoot in the muddy shallows of the Indian Ocean. Her weathered hands move through the water with practiced familiarity, adjusting the polyethylene ropes that hold her seaweed crops.

“I used to earn enough to send my children to school and buy food,” she tells IPS by WhatsApp call, her voice tinged with quiet desperation. “Now, the weather is so unpredictable, and the sea is eating our farms. Some days, I come home empty-handed.”

Amina is among the thousands of women in the Zanzibar archipelago who depend on seaweed farming for survival. Once hailed as a booming green economy venture, seaweed production is now threatened by rising sea temperatures, shifting tides, and erosion—climate change-fueled adversities that have turned once-thriving beaches into battlegrounds.

Back in Nice, as the world gathers to chart a course for ocean health, Dr. Immaculate Semesi, Director General of Tanzania’s National Environmental Management Council (NEMC), underscores the stakes. “Our oceans  are our economic lifeline for thousands of our people; we must protect them at any cost,” she tells IPS on the sidelines of the conference.

Tanzania’s ocean territory spans more than 64,000 square kilometers, rich in biodiversity and crucial for food, transport, and employment. Yet, this “blue economy,” as experts call it, remains heavily underutilized and at risk due to Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing, marine pollution, and poor regulation.

IUU fishing, often conducted by foreign-flagged vessels, has long plagued Tanzanian waters. Fishermen employ destructive techniques—blast fishing and banned nets—that decimate marine habitats and undermine lawful fishing operations.

“We’ve made huge progress—blast fishing has been reduced by 80 percent through community vigilance and stricter law enforcement,” says Dr. Flower Msuya, a marine biologist at the University of Dar es Salaam, in an interview with IPS in Nice. “But we still face serious challenges. Seaweed farmers are suffering. Corals are bleaching. Fisheries are dwindling. Climate change is accelerating it all.”

In recent years, Tanzania has stepped up efforts to curb environmental degradation. It has banned single-use plastic bags, ratified international marine protection conventions, and adopted policies like the National Blue Economy Policy (2024) and the National Action Plan (2024/2025–2025/2026). These frameworks aim to integrate environmental sustainability with economic development across sectors—fisheries, tourism, transport, and renewable energy.

Zanzibar, the semi-autonomous archipelago, has become a model in this regard. Under President Hussein Ali Mwinyi, the region has elevated the Blue Economy to a national development priority. Seaweed farming has rebounded, recording over 16,000 tons in 2023, nearly double that of 2020. Fish production reached 80,000 tons last year, thanks to government support including boats, loans, training, and a dedicated Ministry of Blue Economy and Fisheries.

Tourism has flourished as well. In 2023, Zanzibar welcomed more than 638,000 international tourists, surpassing pre-pandemic highs. The number of hotels and guesthouses rose to 709, including new eco-friendly lodges that promote marine conservation.

“The Zanzibar model shows us that sustainability and economic growth can go hand in hand,” says Dr. Msuya. “But we need more investment, more climate adaptation technologies, and policies that reach grassroots communities—especially women like Amina.”

Still, gaps remain. Many seaweed farmers struggle to access modern farming tools, credit, or markets. Amina’s coastal village, once lined with seaweed drying racks, is now dotted with abandoned plots.

“We are not asking for charity,” Amina says. “We just want support to adapt. The sea has always fed us and we will always depend on it.”

At the United Nations Ocean conference, Mpango acknowledged these vulnerabilities. He stressed the need for global cooperation and regional partnerships to enhance ocean governance and marine security. His call for action resonated with delegates from across the Global South, many of whom face similar crises.

Tanzania’s latest marine action plans aim to increase surveillance, foster community engagement, and harness scientific research. These include more patrols to combat IUU fishing, tighter enforcement of fishing licenses, and partnerships with universities to monitor marine ecosystems.

Yet, the pace of change is often slower than the rising tides.

As the sun dips into the Mediterranean in Nice, casting a golden glow on the port where that young girl sings Beyoncé with raw emotion, her voice seems to echo the silent struggles of women like Amina—unheard yet vital.

The ocean, vast and mysterious, connects them.

From the gilded shores of France to the salt-sprayed coasts of Tanzania, the fate of the sea is tied to every song sung, every rope tied, and every promise made.

And as leaders pack up their speeches and fly home, the real work begins—not in marble halls, but in muddy waters where the ocean meets life.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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‘Ocean Health Is Inseparable From Human Health, Climate Stability’—UN Chief Urges Swift Action, Partnership for Ocean Conference

Climate Action, Climate Change, Climate Change Finance, Climate Change Justice, Conferences, Editors’ Choice, Europe, Featured, Global, Headlines, Natural Resources, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Ocean Health

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres speaks to reporters at the 2025 UN Ocean Conference in Nice, France. Credit: Naureen Hossain

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres speaks to reporters at the 2025 UN Ocean Conference in Nice, France. Credit: Naureen Hossain

NICE, France, Jun 10 2025 (IPS) – “When we poison the ocean, we poison ourselves,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres told reporters on the second day of the UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3).


“There’s a tipping point approaching—beyond which recovery may become impossible. And let us be clear: Powerful interests are pushing us towards that brink. We are facing a hard battle against a clear enemy. Its name is greed.”

Guterres made the comments in a press briefing where he relayed his priorities for the conference and the need for urgent action toward ocean conservation and sustainability.

He remarked on the “clear link” between climate change, biodiversity, and marine protection, and that without timely and effective intervention, both the ocean and humanity would be irreversibly impacted.

Guterres called for increased “financial and technological support” to developing countries, including coastal communities and small-island nations, so that they are in a position to protect themselves from extreme weather and natural disasters.

As overfishing threatens marine biodiversity, countries must work together to enforce stronger measures against illegal fishing and expand protected areas in order to safeguard marine life. To that end, Guterres called for countries to deliver on the target to conserve at least 30 percent of marine and coastal areas by 2030.

Scientists have said that the 1.5 degree threshold to mitigate the worst of global warming is still achievable. Yet as Guterres pointed out, they have been “unanimous” in saying that the international community is “on the brink of the tipping point that might make it impossible.” As the ocean absorbs carbon emissions, this has contributed to the imbalances in its biodiversity, such as extremely high temperatures and coral reef bleaching.

There is not “enough urgency, enough spirit” towards an energy transition to renewable sources. Guterres urged countries to formulate and present Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) for COP30 in Brazil. These NDCs or climate action plans should be “fully compatible” with the 1.5 degree threshold and that will work towards “dramatic reductions” in emissions by 2035. “We must accelerate our transition, and this is for me the most important objective of the next COP.”

Guterres noted positively the significant turnout from governments, civil society, business leaders, Indigenous groups, and the science community for this year’s Ocean Conference. This is a clear show of “momentum and enthusiasm” on the issue of ocean conservation and sustainability. He added that in the two years since the Agreement on Marine Biodiversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) was first adopted in 2023, 134 countries have signed it and 50 have ratified it, including 15 new signatories and ratifications since the start of the conference. The BBNJ may soon come into effect once it has received 60 ratifications or acceptances.

The spirit of solidarity that has brought groups from all corners of the world to participate in UNOC must be carried right to its end and beyond. “I urge everyone to step forward with decisive commitments and tangible funding. The ocean has given us so much. It is time we returned the favor. Our health, our climate, and our future depend on it,” Guterres said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Oceans at Risk: Report Warns Global Fossil Fuel Expansion Threatens Marine Biodiversity

Biodiversity, Climate Action, Climate Change, Conferences, Conservation, COP30, Economy & Trade, Editors’ Choice, Europe, Featured, Global, Headlines, Natural Resources, Ocean Health, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Trade & Investment

Ocean Health

A report documents the impact of unchecked oil and gas projects in biologically rich and ecologically sensitive environments. Credit Credit: Spencer Thomas

A report documents the impact of unchecked oil and gas projects in biologically rich and ecologically sensitive environments. Credit: Spencer Thomas

SACRAMENTO, US & NEW DELHI, India:, Jun 9 2025 (IPS) – A newly released report by Earth Insight in collaboration with 16 environmental organizations has sounded a global alarm on the unchecked expansion of offshore oil and gas projects into some of the most biologically rich and ecologically sensitive marine environments on the planet.


Titled Ocean Frontiers at Risk: Fossil Fuel Expansion Threats to Biodiversity Hotspots and Climate Stability, the report documents how 2.7 million square kilometers of ocean territory—an area nearly the size of India—has been opened to oil and gas exploration, much of it within or adjacent to protected areas and biodiversity hotspots.

The findings are based on a detailed spatial analysis of 11 case study regions, with data drawn from government ministries, investor briefings, and independent mapping efforts. The report was released ahead of the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) taking place in Nice, France, this week.

Tyson Miller, Executive Director of Earth Insight, described the process in an exclusive interview with Inter Press Service (IPS).

“Our research unit selected 11 frontier regions out of many and built a dataset with a mix of publicly available data and digitized information where government data was lacking,” Miller said. “It was shocking to see the scale of planned oil and gas expansion and LNG development, knowing that fossil fuel expansion shouldn’t be happening—let alone in some of the world’s most sensitive ecosystems.”

‘Overlap between oil blocks and critical habitats deeply troubling’

The report warns of massive ecological consequences as oil and gas activities encroach on coral reefs, mangroves, seagrass meadows, and Important Marine Mammal Areas (IMMA). Many of these zones fall within existing or proposed Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) and Key Biodiversity Areas (KBAs), which the international community has pledged to safeguard under initiatives like the 30×30 goal—protecting 30% of land and sea by 2030.

“Expanding marine protected areas is essential,” said Miller. “Safeguarding protected areas from oil and gas expansion and industrial development should go without saying. Yet, the extent of overlap between oil blocks and critical habitats is deeply troubling.”

In regions like the Gulf of California—also known as “the world’s aquarium”—LNG projects are already threatening a marine ecosystem that supports 39 percent of all marine mammal species and sustains hundreds of millions of dollars in fisheries. Despite local opposition and delayed environmental impact assessments, the area remains under active threat from fossil fuel expansion.

Meanwhile, off the coasts of Seychelles and Mauritius, the Saya de Malha Bank—a massive seagrass meadow that stores up to 10 percent of the ocean’s annual carbon despite covering just 0.2 percent of its surface—is now 98 percent overlapped by oil and gas blocks.

“There are important efforts underway to support the creation of a Marine Protected Area in the region—and if an exclusion of oil and gas and industrial activity in the area accompanied that, that would be a real positive step in the right direction,” Miller said.

Another key theme of the report is the outsized pressure placed on countries in the Global South to become new frontiers for fossil fuel extraction, even as they face increasing debt and climate vulnerability. Governments facing financial strain are often courted by foreign energy firms with promises of investment, job creation, and energy independence. However, the long-term consequences—both ecological and financial—are far more complex.

“Many countries in the Global South face high external debt and economic development pressures,” Miller explained. “Perhaps debt relief and payments for ecosystem services can become effective levers to help safeguard coastlines. Without this support, elected officials may greenlight projects that ultimately cost far more in the form of pollution, habitat destruction, and cleanup efforts.”

Indeed, the Ocean Protection Gap Report, also referenced in Earth Insight’s study, identifies billions of dollars in promised—but yet to be delivered—financing for marine conservation and climate resilience in low-income nations.

Incredible Work by Frontline and Indigenous Communities

Despite facing immense challenges, Indigenous and coastal communities are leading grassroots resistance movements in many of the threatened regions. In Mexico’s Gulf of California, local activism has successfully delayed LNG terminal approvals due to the absence of proper environmental reviews. In the Philippines, Papua New Guinea, Mozambique, and elsewhere, community-led campaigns continue to demand transparency, ecological justice, and a halt to extractive projects.

“Frontline and Indigenous communities are doing incredible work to oppose fossil fuel expansion, often with limited resources and at great personal risk,” said Miller. “They need more direct support and more visible platforms to champion their vision for the future.”

Yet these communities, according to the report, are frequently up against entrenched corporate and political interests, making their fight not just environmental but also a struggle for democratic participation, land rights, and long-term sovereignty over natural resources.

Policy Roadmap

The report has pitched a policy roadmap for global leaders, particularly in the lead-up to high-stakes forums like COP and the UN Ocean Conference (UNOC). These include:

  • Halting all new coastal and offshore fossil fuel developments, especially in environmentally sensitive regions.
  • Removing unassigned oil and gas blocks and stopping the approval of new exploration licenses and permits.
  • Ending financial support—including investments, insurance, and financing—for planned offshore fossil fuel projects.
  • Shifting public and private capital to renewable energy, including offshore wind and solar.
  • Ensuring a just transition that includes full decommissioning of abandoned offshore infrastructure and stakeholder inclusion.
  • Undertaking habitat restoration where damage from fossil fuel operations has already occurred.
  • Strengthening global legal frameworks, including support for treaties like the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to prevent new coastal and offshore oil expansion.

“It’s time for global leaders to take bold, enforceable actions,” said Miller. “If the UN Ocean Conference wants to be taken seriously, it must directly address the growing threat of fossil fuel industrialization on coastlines and oceans.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

UN Ocean Decade vs. Coastal Reality: ‘They Took Our Sea,’ Say Vizhinjam Fishworkers

Asia-Pacific, Biodiversity, Civil Society, Economy & Trade, Editors’ Choice, Environment, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, Ocean Health, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Trade & Investment

Ocean Health

Vizhinjam Port—Inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 2 May 2025, as India’s first deep-water container transshipment hub—has been criticized for displacing fishers and disrupting the sensitive ocean biodiversity. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

Vizhinjam Port—Inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 2 May 2025, as India’s first deep-water container transshipment hub—has been criticized for displacing fishers and disrupting the sensitive ocean biodiversity. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM, India, Jun 8 2025 (IPS) – As the UN Ocean Conference (UNOC) approaches, bringing renewed attention to SDG 14 (Life Below Water) and the rights of ocean-dependent communities, India’s Vizhinjam coast highlights the environmental injustice and human cost of unchecked coastal development.

Kerala’s traditional fishworkers—communities historically rooted to the sea—are now facing irreversible disruption due to the controversial Vizhinjam Port project.

Despite repeated rejections by multiple expert appraisal committees over severe environmental concerns, the Vizhinjam Port—Inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 2 May 2025, as India’s first deep-water container transshipment hub—was approved under questionable circumstances.

Experts have raised serious concerns about the compromised Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process for the Vizhinjam Port, calling it a “cut-copy-paste” job lifted from unrelated projects. The port’s viability studies were manipulated to overlook ecological threats and suppress dissenting community voices.

According to Vijayan M.J., Director of the Participatory Action Research Coalition—India, “The first viability study by Ernst & Young clearly said the port was not feasible—environmentally or economically. So did the second. But both were dismissed, and a third study was commissioned with the clear expectation that it would declare the project viable. They didn’t even put the E&Y logo on the final report—just the names of the two researchers. That tells you something.”

Breaking the Coast: Ecological Damage and Fisher Exclusion

In spite of these warnings, the Vizhinjam Port project moved forward in a coastal region already burdened by extensive human intervention. As of 2022, Kerala’s 590-kilometer coastline hosted a major port at Kochi and intermediate ports in Thiruvananthapuram, Alappuzha, Kozhikode, and Thalassery. The shoreline was further segmented by 25 fishing harbors, multiple breakwaters, and 106 groynes. Nearly 310 kilometers of this coastline had already been transformed into artificial stretches.

These cumulative constructions had already disrupted the natural rhythms of the coast, causing severe erosion in some areas and sediment build-up in others—ultimately leading to the loss of accessible beaches. To mitigate these impacts, the state installed additional seawalls and groynes, which only further interfered with the marine ecosystem and traditional fishing practices.

For Kerala’s fishworkers, this pattern of exclusion and ecological damage is not new.

The situation intensified with the onset of Vizhinjam Port’s construction, when hundreds of local fishers were abruptly informed that they could no longer fish near their home shores due to the imposition of shipping lanes and designated no-fishing zones.

This pattern of exclusion deepened when the state government handed over large portions of the Thiruvananthapuram coast, including Vizhinjam, to the Adani Group.

Amid rising protests in places like Perumathura and Muthalappozhi—where heavy siltation and repeated fisher deaths had triggered alarm—the government assured that Adani’s involvement would provide solutions, including constructing embankments and regularly dredging the estuary to keep it navigable. However, these promises quickly fell apart.

As Vipin Das, a fishworker from Kerala, recalls, “Adani took over the entire beach and built an office complex. Now, even stepping onto the shore requires his office’s permission.”

According to local accounts, the company’s first move was to dismantle the southern embankment to allow barge access to the port. This action disrupted natural sediment flows and caused a severe blockage of the estuary. “When floodwaters began threatening nearby homes, a JCB was rushed in to reopen the embankment—but it was already too late,” Vipin adds. “Adani’s entry didn’t solve anything—it only worsened the crisis and destroyed our coastline.”

From Biodiversity Hotspot to Danger Zone

Once a biodiversity hotspot, Vizhinjam’s marine ecosystem boasted 12 reef systems and one of the world’s 20 rare ‘wedge banks’—a critical oceanic zone near Kanyakumari where hundreds of fish species fed and reproduced. Fishers remember it as a “harbor of procreation,” teeming with over 200 varieties of fish and more than 60 aquatic species.

However, intense dredging, altered wave patterns, and ongoing port operations have severely damaged this fragile marine ecosystem. In 2020, Kerala recorded a 15 percent decline in fish catch, and the numbers have continued to fall in the years since—threatening both biodiversity and the livelihoods that depend on it.

The state’s response has been displacement disguised as compensation, offering ₹10 lakh (USD 12,000) as a one-time payment to those willing to leave their homes instead of addressing systemic erosion and disaster risks, said Vijayan.

The situation further took a catastrophic turn on May 24, 2025, when a massive shipwreck occurred off the Vizhinjam coast.

While authorities framed it as an isolated incident, environmentalists and coastal communities argue it was a disaster waiting to happen—fueled by years of unregulated dredging and reckless port expansion.

“The sea is poisoned; people are saying not to eat fish,” shared Vipin. “But it’s not just rumors—there are chemicals, plastics, and fuel. And we, who had nothing to do with this, are the first to suffer.”

With livelihoods already battered by monsoon storms and port restrictions, fishers now face public panic, polluted waters, and a poisoned food chain. “This isn’t just an accident—it’s a man-made disaster,” Vipin added. “The state must act swiftly to hold the company accountable and compensate the coastal communities who are paying the highest price.”

However, earlier this year Vizhinjam International Seaport Ltd. told the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre that  “Environment Clearance accorded to Vizhinjam Port has stood the test of legal scrutiny, having gone through litigation before the National Green Tribunal, New Delhi.”

It continued, “The Port operations and fishing/ancillary activities coexist all over the world and both activities are continuing as per the rules and regulations prevailing in the democratic country of India. It may also be noted that Vizhinjam port construction has been carried out with best practices, including stakeholder engagement, taking the community into confidence.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Fight against vanity academic titles in Africa

On May 30, 2025, Ghana’s Tertiary Education Commission (GTEC) issued what it termed a “final caution” against individuals, especially politicians, entrepreneurs, and other public figures whose vanity drives them to flaunt honorary doctorates and professorships as though these titles had been academically earned.

“The Commission will henceforth take legal action against individuals found flouting these directives, alongside publicly naming and shaming them,” GTEC said in a statement signed by Professor Augustine Ocloo, the Commission’s Acting Deputy Director-General.

 Ghana’s commendable stance follows Malawi’s National Council for Higher Education, which, on March 27, 2025, categorically stated that honorary doctorates and professorships confer no entitlement to use the titles “Dr.” or “Prof.” in personal or professional contexts.

According to Malawi’s council, honorary degrees are ceremonial recognitions that are markedly distinct from academic qualifications, and recipients should refrain from using these titles as personal prefixes.

The concerns raised by Ghana and Malawi echo earlier decisions in Nigeria. At their 27th conference, held at Nasarawa State University, Keffi, in September 2012, the Association of Vice Chancellors of Nigerian Universities adopted the “Keffi Declaration,” which significantly tightened guidelines for honorary awards.

 Central to this declaration was a prohibition on awarding honorary doctorates to serving elected or appointed government officials. They said such conferrals must recognize genuine contributions to scholarship and societal advancement rather than political influence or wealth.

The Keffi Declaration also placed stringent conditions on awarding honorary doctorates. Notably, institutions without established doctoral programs were barred from conferring honorary degrees, and even qualified institutions were restricted to awarding a maximum of three honorary doctorates annually.

Arguably, the declaration’s most contested provision, however, was its insistence that recipients of honorary degrees must not prefix their names with “Dr.” In a country with titular obsession like Nigeria, I knew that guideline would be observed in the breach because it has no force of authority.

But such collective measures represent significant progress toward remedying the degradation of academic culture across various African nations, where honorary degrees have increasingly become symbols of wealth and political clout rather than scholarly achievement.

It is widely recognized that honorary doctorates in many African contexts have frequently been dispensed indiscriminately, often in exchange for financial contributions or political favors rather than scholarly or societal merit.

Indeed with a few honorable exceptions, most of the people who receive honorary doctorates are the kinds of people Chinua Achebe, in his memoir There Was a Country, famously characterized as “politicians with plenty of money but very low IQs.”

His vivid characterization underscores the crux of the issue, which is the alarming and growing trend of conflating political power and financial prowess with academic excellence.

That higher education authorities in Ghana, Malawi, and Nigeria have taken deliberate steps to establish clear criteria and limitations for honorary awards is laudable. These guidelines directly confront practices where institutions with limited academic offerings, sometimes barely established, have historically granted honorary degrees without genuine justification.

Such indiscriminate practices have severely undermined the value and respect traditionally associated with doctoral titles.

Yet, while Africa’s rigorous approach to regulating honorary doctorates is justified by its unique cultural and political circumstances, it is useful to compare these developments with practices elsewhere.

In the United States, prestigious undergraduate-only institutions, such as Knox College in Illinois—known for conferring an honorary Doctor of Fine Arts to comedian Stephen Colbert—and Amherst College in Massachusetts, regularly grant honorary doctorates during their graduation ceremonies.

However, these institutions’ practices are typically symbolic gestures of recognition and respect, devoid of the vanity-driven excesses observed in many African contexts.

The crucial difference lies in how recipients use these honorary titles post-award. Internationally, accepted convention dictates that honorary titles be appended after the recipient’s name, using “h.c.” (honoris causa) to clearly distinguish honorary from earned academic credentials. For instance, one would write Muhammad Abdullah, LLD h.c., not “Dr. Muhammad Abdullah,” and certainly not “Dr. Muhammad Abdullah, LLD h.c.,” which I have seen a few times.

Yet, adherence to this convention varies considerably across cultures and individuals.

Even in the United States, exceptions to the convention exist. A notable example involved a community college president in California who insisted on being addressed as “Dr.” after being bestowed an honorary degree by an obscure institution.

His pretension triggered a humorous protest from his staff, who collectively adopted “Dr.” prefixes themselves, sarcastically citing equally obscure honors. Embarrassed, the president ultimately dropped his title.

Historical precedents further illustrate complexities surrounding honorary degrees and their usage. Benjamin Franklin, a foundational figure in American history whom many people outside America know through the 100-dollar bill, embraced the title “Dr.” purely on the strength of honorary degrees.

Similarly, Maya Angelou, the renowned African-American poet and activist who had no formal higher education qualifications, insisted on being addressed as “Dr. Angelou” based on the numerous honorary doctoral degrees that several institutions bestowed on her.

In Nigeria, iconic historical figures have also prominently used honorary doctoral titles as if they earned them. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first ceremonial president, widely known as “Dr. Azikiwe,” held no earned doctorate. He started his PhD at Columbia University in New York but didn’t complete it.

 Tai Solarin, a revered educational activist and social critic, similarly prefixed “Dr.” to his name based exclusively on honorary recognition. Unlike Azikiwe, he never even attempted earning a PhD.

These examples underscore the deep cultural and historical roots of the practice, which present significant challenges to the enforcement of new regulations. Indeed, the cultural acceptance of using honorary titles as legitimate prefixes is deeply entrenched, complicating efforts by African higher education regulators to enforce their prohibitions effectively.

Nevertheless, the new regulatory frameworks in Ghana, Malawi, and Nigeria represent critical efforts toward reestablishing the integrity and credibility of academic distinctions. The explicit threat of legal action by Ghana’s GTEC signals a strong commitment to combating egregious abuses of honorary titles, potentially serving as a deterrent against future misuse.

Whether these measures will succeed remains uncertain, especially given the cultural resistance to its reform and the fact that it’s an entrenched practice. However, the very act of publicly addressing and legislatively confronting these abuses represents significant progress. Such regulatory actions signal a praiseworthy commitment to restoring academic prestige and integrity within higher education institutions across the continent.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of these regulations will hinge not just on enforcement but also on widespread public education and the promotion of genuine academic achievements.

Universities must actively demonstrate the rigorous processes behind earned doctorates and highlight the scholarly dedication and intellectual rigor required. Only through a collective effort to valorize genuine academic accomplishments over superficial honors can the true prestige of doctoral titles be restored.

READ ALSO: FG urged to mobilise capital market funds for wealth creation


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Solar Energy Brings Water to Iconic Salvadoran Village of El Mozote

Civil Society, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Energy, Headlines, Human Rights, Integration and Development Brazilian-style, Latin America & the Caribbean, Sustainability, Sustainable Development Goals, Women & Economy

Sustainability

More than 30 solar panels power the pumping plant in the village of El Mozote, in eastern El Salvador, providing water to around 360 families. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

More than 30 solar panels power the pumping plant in the village of El Mozote, in eastern El Salvador, providing water to around 360 families. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

EL MOZOTE, El Salvador , Jun 6 2025 (IPS) – The worst massacre of civilians in Latin America occurred in the Salvadoran village of El Mozote, where environmental projects are beginning to emerge, slowly fostering awareness about protecting the natural resources of this deeply symbolic site, embedded in the country’s historical memory.


Since early 2024, a small photovoltaic plant has been operating in El Mozote, in the district of Meanguera, eastern El Salvador, powering a municipal water system designed to supply around 360 families in the village and nearby areas.

“We used to wash clothes in those communal wells, which were built after the war, in ’94.” — Otilia Chicas

“The project’s goal was to minimize environmental impacts in the area by seeking cleaner energy sources, and with that in mind, the solar panel system was implemented,” Rosendo Ramos, the Morazán representative of the Salvadoran Health Promotion Association (ASPS), the NGO behind the project, explained to IPS.

The Spanish organization Solidaridad Internacional Andalucía also participated in launching the initiative.

El Mozote is located in the department of Morazán, a mountainous region in eastern El Salvador. During the civil war (1980-1992), the area was the scene of brutal clashes between leftist guerrillas and the army.

In December 1981, over several days, military units massacred around 1,000 peasants in the village and neighboring communities—including pregnant women and children—accusing them of being a support base for the rebels.

The conflict is estimated to have left more than 75,000 dead and 8,000 disappeared.

The photovoltaic system installed in El Mozote, eastern El Salvador, operates alongside the national distribution grid, so on cloudy days with low solar generation, the conventional power grid is activated. Credit: Courtesy of ASPS

The photovoltaic system installed in El Mozote, eastern El Salvador, operates alongside the national distribution grid, so on cloudy days with low solar generation, the conventional power grid is activated. Credit: Courtesy of ASPS

Sunlight to Distribute Water

The solar project consists of 32 panels capable of generating a total of 15 kilowatts—enough to power the equipment, primarily the 60-horsepower pump that pushes water up to the tank installed atop La Cruz mountain. From there, water flows down to households by gravity.

The photovoltaic system operates alongside the national power grid, so on cloudy days with low solar output, the conventional grid kicks in—though the goal is obviously to reduce reliance on it.

The project, costing US$28,000, was funded by the European Union as part of a larger environmental initiative that also included two nearby municipalities, Arambala and Jocoaitique, focusing on protecting the La Joya Pueblo micro-watershed.

Key aspects of the broader program include reducing the use of agrochemicals, plastic, and other disposable materials; and promoting rainwater harvesting.

The overall program reached 1,317 people (706 women and 611 men) across three municipalities and six communities, involving NGOs, schools, and local governments.

“The aim is to consume less energy from the national grid, thereby lowering pumping costs,” explained Ramos.

However, this cost reduction doesn’t necessarily translate into lower water bills for families in El Mozote and surrounding areas. That’s because the water system is municipally managed, and tariffs are set by local ordinances, making adjustments difficult—unlike community-run projects where residents and leaders can more easily agree on changes.

One benefit of the new system is that lower energy costs for the municipality free up funds to expand and improve other basic services—not just in Meanguera but also in places like El Mozote, Dennis Morel, the district director, told IPS.

The plaza of El Mozote, the iconic village in eastern El Salvador, was renovated, but local residents complain that the government-led construction work was not agreed upon with the community. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

The plaza of El Mozote, the iconic village in eastern El Salvador, was renovated, but local residents complain that the government-led construction work was not agreed upon with the community. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

Water in the postwar era

Otilia Chicas, a native of El Mozote, recalled what life was like in the village when there was no piped water service—back in the days following the end of the civil war in 1992, when people began returning to the area.

“We used to wash clothes in those communal wells. They were built after the war, in ’94,” said Chicas, pointing toward one of those now-empty wells, about 20 meters away from where she stood, inside a kiosk selling handicrafts, books, and T-shirts in El Mozote’s central plaza.

Next to the plaza is the mural bearing the names of the hundreds of people killed by the army—specifically, by units of the Atlacatl Battalion, trained in counterinsurgency by the United States.

“We used to fetch water from there and bathe there, but since these wells weren’t enough, we’d go to a spring, to ‘El Zanjo,’ as we called it,” she recounted.

She added that the drinking water project arrived between 2005 and 2006, finally bringing the resource directly into people’s homes.

“The community had to pitch in, and the hours people worked were counted as payment, as their contribution,” she noted while weaving colorful thread bracelets.

There is uncertainty over whether the kiosk in the village plaza will be removed. Several women from the El Mozote Historical Committee sell handicrafts and work as tour guides there. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

There is uncertainty over whether the kiosk in the village plaza will be removed. Several women from the El Mozote Historical Committee sell handicrafts and work as tour guides there. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

 Almost No One Was Spared 

Chicas, 45, was born in 1980, a year before the massacre. Now, she helps run the kiosk and works as a tour guide alongside other local women from the El Mozote Historical Committee, explaining to visitors the horrific events that took place in December 1981.

The artisan shared that her family lost several relatives in the 1981 massacre, as did nearly everyone here. The victims’ mural is filled with dozens of people bearing the last names Chicas, Márquez, Claros, and Argueta, among many others.

“My grandmother lost four of her children and 17 grandchildren,” she recalled.

Chicas’ father, in an attempt to save their lives, moved his family out of El Mozote before the massacre and resettled in Lourdes Colón, in the western part of the country. But the military ended up killing him in 1983 after discovering he was originally from Morazán and linking him to rebel groups.

“The National Guard came for him and two uncles—they saw they were from Morazán, a guerrilla zone,” she emphasized. “Before killing them, they forced them to dig their own graves. They were left by the roadside, in a place called El Tigre,” she explained.

The military operation that culminated in the massacre was planned and executed by the Salvadoran Army’s High Command, with support from Honduran soldiers and covered up by United States government officials, revealed Stanford University scholar Terry Karl in April 2021.

Karl testified as an expert witness during a hearing on the case held that April in San Francisco Gotera, the capital of Morazán.

Dormant in El Salvador’s judicial system since 1993, the case was reopened in September 2016. Among the accused are 15 soldiers—seven of them high-ranking Salvadoran officers—,the only surviving defendants from the original list of 33 military personnel.

The trial is currently in the investigative phase, where evidence is being gathered and examined before the judge decides whether to proceed to a full public trial.

A mural on the side of El Mozote’s plaza displays the names of the hundreds of people killed by the Salvadoran army in December 1981, marking the largest massacre of civilians in Latin America. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

A mural on the side of El Mozote’s plaza displays the names of the hundreds of people killed by the Salvadoran army in December 1981, marking the largest massacre of civilians in Latin America. Credit: Edgardo Ayala / IPS

Times of Uncertainty 

El Mozote’s central plaza has been renovated over the past three years as part of the government’s effort to give it a more orderly and modern appearance—a promise made by President Nayib Bukele when he visited the site in February 2021.

The town is also nearing completion of a Urban Center for Well-being and Opportunities (CUBO)—a government-sponsored community center designed to provide youth with access to reading materials, art, culture, and information and communication technologies.

However, some residents told IPS that these projects are being carried out without prior consultation or agreement with the community, in violation of the 2012 ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which called for justice, truth, and reparations for the victims.

The reconstruction work demolished the bandstand, a space highly valued by the community as a gathering place for meetings and collective organizing.

Despite this, Chicas said she supports the plaza’s renovations, as they have made it more inviting for young people to spend time there. Still, she noted that the remodeling affected her personally.

The construction forced her to dismantle her small food stall, made of corrugated metal sheets, where she used to make and sell pupusas—El Salvador’s most iconic dish, made of corn and stuffed with beans, cheese, or pork.

Chicas also mentioned the ongoing uncertainty about whether the kiosk where she and other women craft and sell their handicrafts will be removed.

“We’re left in limbo—we don’t know what’s going to happen,” she said.

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