The Most Appropriate Response to Falling Birthrates? Embrace Them

Civil Society, Featured, Global, Global Governance, Headlines, Health, IPS UN: Inside the Glasshouse, Population, Poverty & SDGs, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is the average number of children that would be born to a woman over her lifetime. Source: World Population Prospects 2022 report from the Population Division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs

ST. PAUL, Minnesota, USA, Mar 12 2026 (IPS) – As birthrates continue to decline in many industrialized countries, anxious governments are running out of schemes to keep women procreating.


In the US, millionaires and billionaires are lining up to donate to Trump’s “baby bonus” savings accounts. Trump accounts give parents $1,000 for all babies born between now and 2028, plus whatever private donors add.

Late last year tech billionaires Michael and Susan Dell donated $6.25 billion to them. The accounts are part of Trump’s far-Right pronatalist agenda, and also part of the broader trend of governments using heavy-handed pronatalist policies, ranging from bribes to outright coercion, to convince women to have more babies and shore up the supply of future workers, taxpayers, and soldiers.

These interventions are notoriously ineffective. A recent Heritage Foundation report recommended using economic incentives to convince American women to have more babies, “with preferences for larger-than-average [families],” while shaming those who choose to have fewer or no children.

A family in South Korea, which has the lowest Total Fertility Rate in the world (0.8).

But it also admitted, “Other nations have tried to reverse declining birthrates through financially generous family policies, none has succeeded. Government spending alone does not ensure demographic success.”

Nor can such policies achieve what Heritage calls “success.” Trying to raise birthrates by incentivizing women to have babies not only undermines hard-won reproductive rights, it’s a waste of money.

Such spending is not a priority for U.S. taxpayers, as most Americans do not see falling birth rates as a crisis. Instead, they overwhelmingly want the government to address untenably high child care costs. But a one-time Trump account infusion makes no dent in high costs of raising children and other barriers to motherhood.

Just as recent cuts to SNAP and Medicaid disproportionately affect marginalized women and children, Trump accounts benefit least those who need help most. By the Administration’s own calculations, the accounts will benefit wealthy parents disproportionately.

This shouldn’t be surprising. Trump accounts and other pronatalist policies aren’t really about empowerment or saving families or supporting children. They are a bid to make more white Americans, part of a larger nativist program which includes cracking down on immigration from African and Muslim countries, detaining and deporting non-white people in huge numbers, and even abandoning former U.S. efforts to fight child exploitation and trafficking.

These policies overtly stoke panic about falling birthrates, and tacitly uphold the white supremacist “great replacement” conspiracy theory.

That makes support for pronatalism from some progressives especially disturbing. Even if their intent is not nativist, advocating policies that push women to have more children is anti-feminist and fundamentally at odds with reproductive agency.

And even when such policies intend to serve feminist goals–for example Finland’s generous parental leave and child and health care—they fail to raise birthrates. That’s because the biggest factor in childbearing decisions isn’t affordability; it’s empowerment.

Nobel prizewinning economic historian Claudia Goldin has shown high birthrates are no longer tied to economic prosperity, as women increasingly choose education and careers over traditional family roles. In fact, she found an inverse relationship between per capita income and fertility. “Wherever you get increased agency,” she said, “you get reduction in the birth rate.”

Another study across 136 countries confirms this: whenever women achieve reproductive agency, birthrates decline, whether the economy is growing or shrinking.

But hundreds of millions of women and girls are denied this agency. Over 640 million alive today were child brides (including in the US). Over 220 million have an unmet need for contraception. More than half of pregnancies are unintended—121 million annually. Cuts in USAID and other aid programs make the situation more dire.

Despite birthrates declining in many countries, global population is going up, projected to swell by 2 billion to 10.4 billion by the 2080s, with vast ecological and social consequences. Extreme climate events are expected to kill more than a billion people and displace up to 3 billion this century, most in countries where women and girls are disempowered and fertility rates remain high. Pronatalism will only make ecological and social crises worse.

We need new policy thinking that recognizes this and embraces the many advantages of declining fertility and less growth. As fertility rates fall, female labor participation will increase and gender pay gaps will narrow.

As median age rises, changing demographics could enable policy shifts that improve wages and conditions for workers and extend job opportunity to billions on the sidelines who want work but don’t have it.

There is no lack of good ideas, from economic models that center wellbeing and rethink growth to radical ecological democracy. Exploring them requires getting off the endless growth treadmill that enriches elites at the expense of the rest of us. We must stop treating women like reproductive vessels for making more people to serve the economy, and start reshaping our economies to serve more people and the planet.

Nandita Bajaj is executive director of the NGO Population Balance, senior lecturer at Antioch University, and producer and host of the podcasts OVERSHOOT and Beyond Pronatalism. Her research and advocacy work focuses on addressing the combined impacts of pronatalism and human expansionism on reproductive and ecological justice.

IPS UN Bureau

  Source

Iran: A Regime with Nothing Left but Force

Active Citizens, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Economy & Trade, Featured, Headlines, Health, Human Rights, Labour, Middle East & North Africa, Migration & Refugees, Press Freedom, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Iran: A Regime with Nothing Left but Force

Credit: Georgios Kostomitsopoulos/NurPhoto via Getty Images

MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Feb 24 2026 (IPS) – The Islamic Republic of Iran has put down another uprising, with a ferocity that makes previous crackdowns seem restrained. The theocratic regime has survived, but it has done so by substituting violence for the economic security it cannot provide and the political legitimacy it no longer has. Its show of force is also an admission of weakness.


The protests that began on 28 December were triggered by a specific event — the collapse of the rial to a record low — but rooted in years of accumulated grievances. The second half of 2025 alone saw at least 471 labour protests across 69 Iranian cities. Inflation stood at 49.4 per cent. The 12-day war with Israel in June sent the Tehran Stock Exchange down around 40 per cent and cost many people their jobs. The United Nations Security Council reimposed sanctions in September. The government cut fuel subsidies in November and slashed exchange-rate subsidies in December. Over 40 per cent of Iranian households now live below the poverty line and around half the population consume fewer than the recommended 2,100 calories per day.

It was this collapse that brought typically conservative bazaar merchants onto the streets. Within two weeks, the protests had spread to all of Iran’s 31 provinces, drawing in the urban middle class, working-class communities and people from rural provinces who had historically been among the regime’s most reliable supporters. What began as an economic stoppage rapidly became political defiance. For the millions who joined the striking merchants, the plummeting currency and rising cost of food were not market failures; they were proof of the regime’s corruption and ineptitude. Generation Z played a central role, demanding not reform but profound change. Lethal repression provided further confirmation the system was beyond reform.

The state’s response evolved. Initially it offered token economic concessions alongside its usual crowd control violence such as batons and teargas. When it became clear that a widespread movement with political demands had taken hold, it shifted to total attrition. On 8 January, authorities imposed a near-total internet shutdown and authorised security forces to use military-grade weapons against crowds. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – a parallel military structure, major political force and economic empire with a direct stake in the regime’s survival – spearheaded the crackdown, with its affiliated Basij paramilitary networks playing a central role in street-level violence.

The casualty figures were deliberately obscured by the internet blackout, but all evidence points in the same direction. Hengaw Organisation for Human Rights reported that at least 3,000 civilians — including 44 children — were killed in the first 17 days. Iran Human Rights, citing Ministry of Health sources, documented a minimum of 3,379 deaths across 15 provinces. The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency reported around 7,000 verified fatalities by mid-February, with 12,000 further cases under review. Time magazine cited hospital records suggesting the toll may have reached 30,000. Even the lowest of these figures vastly eclipses the 537 deaths recorded during the 2022-2023 Woman, Life, Freedom protests. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s concession that ‘several thousand’ had been killed confirmed the order of magnitude.

By 16 January the streets had been cleared, but a quieter repressive campaign continued, with nighttime raids, enforced disappearances and mass detentions in unofficial holding sites outside the legal system, targeting not only protesters but also doctors who treated the wounded, lawyers who provided legal assistance, bystanders who helped and people who posted supportive statements online. Authorities have detained over 50,000 people. Revolutionary Courts have fast-tracked mass indictments through summary trials, often conducted online and lasting mere minutes, with defendants denied independent legal counsel and confessions extracted under torture. Eighteen-year-old Saleh Mohammadi, whose retracted confession was obtained after interrogators broke bones in his hand, has been sentenced to be publicly hanged at the site of his alleged crime. Dozens more face imminent execution.

The regime has, for now, held: its security forces have not fractured, there have been no significant elite defections, and the IRGC has maintained its capacity for suppression. But it rules over a country with a wrecked economy, a battered nuclear programme, weakened regional proxies and a population that has run out of reasons to comply. Each protest cycle has required a higher threshold of state violence to suppress, a sign the regime has no other tool left.

What prevents weakness from becoming collapse is the absence of any alternative. The international response briefly suggested external pressure might tell – but did not. Donald Trump told Iranian protesters that ‘help is on its way’. The European Union listed the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. The UK imposed fresh sanctions. The Iranian diaspora held at least 168 protests across 30 countries. But the international noise simply enabled the regime to spread the narrative that the uprising was foreign-directed.

The exiled opposition is fragmented along ethnic, ideological and generational lines, seemingly more consumed by internal rivalries than the task of converting widespread discontent into sustained political pressure. Inside Iran, the most credible opposition voices — Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi, reformist politician Mostafa Tajzadeh and veteran leader Mir Hossein Mousavi — are imprisoned or cut off from public life.

A weakened regime facing a leaderless opposition can endure, but what it cannot do is reverse its decay. Violence may clear the streets, but it cannot rebuild the economy, restore trust or give Iran’s young people a reason to stay. The regime has bought time, at an ever-rising price, but the crisis it’s suppressed isn’t going away.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

  Source

Medics declare war on Mutharika’s private practice ban

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-Malawi’s medical professionals are up in arms over President Arthur Peter Mutharika’s executive order restricting their right to engage in private practice.

The order, which bans public sector healthcare workers from owning or holding interests in private clinics and pharmacies, has sparked outrage among medics who argue that it infringes on their economic rights.

The Human Resource for Health Coalition, which represents various medical professional bodies, has vowed to seek an injunction stopping the implementation of the order.

“We feel the approach in the second directive banning private practice is wrong,” said coalition chairperson Solomon Chomba. “We have agreed to take legal action because the decision infringes on our economic rights.”

Chomba argued that the private sector provides about 40% of medical care services in the country, thereby reducing distances between health facilities to meet World Health Organization recommendations.

He warned that if the order is enforced, some medical workers would prefer to resign rather than close their private clinics or pharmacies.

“We are working on it so that we obtain an injunction as soon as possible,” Chomba said. “It is an emergency.”

The Malawi Medical Council has also expressed concerns about the order, arguing that it could lead to a brain drain in the public health sector.

“Stopping them from having private clinics is subjecting them to abandon public facilities for private reasons,” said Dr. Victor Mithi, president of the Society of Medical Doctors.

Mithi pointed out that Kamuzu Central Hospital in Lilongwe may have only two neurosurgeons who operate on tumors free of charge, and that stopping them from having private clinics could lead to a loss of expertise in the public sector.

The Non-Medical Personnel Association has also criticized the order, saying that it is unfair to single out healthcare workers while other public officials with private business interests are not subject to similar restrictions.

The executive order was issued in response to a joint investigative journalism report that exposed malpractice in public hospitals, including soliciting payments for free services.

However, many are questioning the timing and motivation behind the order, with some accusing the president’s advisors of having ulterior motives.

The Health Rights and Education Program has argued that the country’s current healthcare system challenges stem from the 2003 human resources for health emergency, and that the temporary measure allowing public health workers to operate private clinics and pharmacies was introduced to tackle the brain drain affecting the country.

As the standoff continues, it remains to be seen how the government will respond to the medics’ demands. One thing is certain, however: the healthcare sector in Malawi will be watching closely to see how this drama unfolds.

The Maravi Post

FND lauds Mutharika’s bold health sector reform, a move to protect vulnerable communities

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-The Forum for National Development (FND) has strongly welcomed and fully supported the Executive Order issued on 16 February 2026 by President Arthur Peter Mutharika, describing it as a bold step toward restoring integrity, discipline and accountability in Malawi’s public health sector.

The statement has been signed by Fryson Chodzi, National Coordinator of the Forum for National Development (FND), who emphasized the organisation’s full backing of the reform measures.

In its statement, FND says the Executive Order is a necessary intervention aimed at correcting long standing structural weaknesses that have negatively affected service delivery in public hospitals and clinics across the country.

According to FND, the decision to prohibit public health employees from owning or operating private health facilities and requiring them to divest within 30 days is a decisive move to eliminate conflicts of interest that have undermined public confidence and compromised patient care.

For years, concerns have persisted that divided loyalties among some health workers contributed to drug shortages, absenteeism and the redirection of patients from public hospitals to privately owned clinics.

The organisation believes the new Order directly confronts this problem and reaffirms that public service must serve the public interest, not private profit.

Equally commendable, FND says, is the strict prohibition against public health personnel soliciting, demanding or receiving bribes from patients.

The practice of extorting money for services that are legally free has, according to the organisation, been one of the most painful injustices within the health system.

FND notes that poor Malawians particularly women, the elderly and those in rural communities have often been denied access to treatment simply because they could not afford unofficial payments.

The Executive Order, it says, sends a strong message that exploitation of vulnerable citizens will no longer be tolerated.

The organisation outlines several potential benefits of the reform, including the protection of the poor from unlawful financial demands and ensuring equal access to free public healthcare services.

It also says the Order will help restore ethical standards, reinforce zero tolerance for corruption in frontline service delivery and rebuild public trust in government hospitals.

Furthermore, FND believes the reforms will strengthen service delivery by ensuring full time commitment from public health workers while reducing corrupt practices that weaken efficiency and accountability.

The organisation adds that the measures will also help preserve public resources such as medicines, equipment and funds from misuse and diversion.

Describing the Executive Order as a demonstration of courageous leadership and deep commitment to social justice, FND says the move reflects a clear understanding that corruption in essential services disproportionately harms the poor and widens inequality.

FND has since urged health professionals, administrators and oversight institutions to embrace the reform in good faith, stressing that implementation must be firm, fair and transparent, supported by strong monitoring systems and improved working conditions.

In conclusion, the organisation maintains that the Executive Order is more than just a regulatory directive “it’s a powerful statement of values affirming that Malawi’s public health system must operate on integrity, fairness and service to the people”.

The Maravi Post

Insightful leadership: Mutharika bans public health workers from owning private hospitals, clinics, pharmacies

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-President Peter Mutharika has directed that all medical personnel working in public health institutions must not own or hold shares in any private hospital.

According to the directive, any public health worker who currently owns or has shares in a private hospital must dispose of that ownership within 30 days from February 17, 2026.

The order states that failure to comply with the directive will result in dismissal from government employment. In addition, those who do not adhere to the instruction may also face prosecution.

The move appears aimed at addressing potential conflicts of interest within the health sector, where public officers may have private business interests in healthcare facilities.

Further details on how the directive will be implemented are yet to be made public.

This is one quality of insightful and listening leadership being displayed by Mutharika.

The Maravi Post

Sudan: Thousands cling to a fragile hope in makeshift tents

CopyRight @2009 The Maravi Post , An Eltas EnterPrises INC Company Since @2005. Publishing and Software Consulting company

Contact us: contact@maravipost.com

The Maravi Post