Excluding Food Systems From Climate Deal Is a Recipe for Disaster

Africa, Climate Change, Climate Change Justice, Conferences, COP30, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Featured, Food and Agriculture, Food Systems, Global, Headlines, Latin America & the Caribbean, Population, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations | Analysis

Food Systems


Food solutions were on display everywhere around COP30—from the 80 tonnes of local and agroecological meals served to concrete proposals for tackling hunger—but none of this made it into the negotiating rooms or the final agreement. —Elisabetta Recine, IPES-Food panel expert

Agriculture is both a challenge and a solution for climate change. Busani Bafana/IPS

Agriculture is both a challenge and a solution for climate change. Busani Bafana/IPS

BULAWAYO, Jan 9 2026 (IPS) – As they ate catered meals, COP30 negotiators had no appetite for fixing broken food systems, a major source of climate pollution, experts warn.


Food systems are the complete journey food takes—from the farm to fork—which means its growing, processing, distribution, trade and consumption and even the waste.

The International Panel of Experts on Sustainable Food Systems (IPES-Food) warns that the final COP30 agreement risks deepening climate and hunger crises.  It failed  to address global warming emissions from food systems and the escalating damages caused by fossil-fuel-dependent industrial agriculture.

Food appears only once in the negotiated text, as a narrow indicator on ‘climate resilient food production’ under the Global Goal on Adaptation, IPES-Food pointed out.

“There is no mention of food systems, no roadmap to tackle deforestation, and no recognition that industrial agriculture drives nearly 90 percent of forest loss worldwide,” noted the think tank, emphasizing that negotiators also weakened language in the Mitigation Work Programme from addressing the ‘drivers’ of deforestation to vague ‘challenges.’

IPES-Food argued that the omission of food systems in the COP30 agreement was in stark contrast to the summit itself, which was held in the heart of the Amazon. Thirty percent of all food served during COP30 came from agroecological family farmers and traditional communities, and concrete public policy proposals for a just transition of food systems were on full display, IPES-Food said.

By not supporting a transition to environmentally friendly and low-emission agriculture, the agreement has left the global food system—and the billions who depend on it—highly vulnerable to the very climate shocks it helps cause, experts said.

“Food solutions were on display everywhere around COP30—from the 80 tonnes of local and agroecological meals served to concrete proposals for tackling hunger—but none of this made it into the negotiating rooms or the final agreement,” said Elisabetta Recine, IPES-Food panel expert and president of the Brazilian National Food and Nutrition Security Council (Consea), in a statement.

“Despite all the talk, negotiators failed to act, and the lived realities of people most affected by hunger, poverty, and climate shocks went unheard.”

Big Oil and Big Ag, Bigger voice

More than 300 industrial agriculture lobbyists were registered as delegates to COP30. They  are blamed for influencing discussions and promoting false solutions to climate change.

“COP30 was supposed to be the Implementation COP—where words turned into action,” Danielle Nierenberg, an expert on sustainable agriculture and food issues and President of Food Tank, told IPS. “But once again, corporate interests won over people, nature, and the future of our food and agriculture systems as part of the solution to the climate crisis.”

Raj Patel, IPES-Food panel expert and professor at the University of Texas, argues that agribusiness lobbyists captured COP30 to influence outcomes favoring industrial agriculture and big oil interests.

“Food systems are second only to oil and gas as a driver of the climate crisis, and unlike oil wells, they are also the first victim of the chaos they create, Patel noted.

Obstacles and Opportunities

Scientists have warned that carbon emissions, including those from agriculture, must be cut considerably if the world is to meet the goals of the Paris Agreement to limit global warming to 2°C or less.

Even if fossil fuel emissions were eliminated immediately, emissions from the global food system alone would make it impossible to limit warming to 1.5°C and difficult even to realize the 2°C target, scientists have said.

Selorm Kugbega, a Research Fellow at the Stockholm Environment Institute, agrees that despite many promises made to tackle agriculture-linked emissions, COP30 turned out to be a damp squib for agrifood systems.

Initiatives such as RAIZ to restore 500 million hectares of degraded agricultural land by 2030 and TERRA to scale out climate solutions for smallholder farmers through blended finance, which were launched at COP30 omitted to highlight the effects of industrial food systems. Over 300 industrial agriculture lobbyists participated in discussions at COP30, leading to accusations of swaying the outcomes.

Analysts warn the final agreement at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, risks deepening climate and hunger crises. Credit: Raimundo Pacco/COP30

Analysts warn the final agreement at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, risks deepening climate and hunger crises. Credit: Raimundo Pacco/COP30

Kugbega observed that after several years of slow progress and momentum in integrating food systems in climate negotiations, COP30 should have been the opportunity to seal agriculture’s centrality in future COPs. However, it ended with no clear agreements on grant-based public finance for adaptation in agriculture or redirection of public funds that subsidize industrial systems.

The climate negotiations demonstrated power inequality in climate negotiations with the implicit protection of industrial agriculture interests, which weakened the credibility of any global efforts at mitigating agriculture-based emissions, Kugbega observed, highlighting that smallholders bear a high burden of climate risks and have little adaptation financing.

Kugbega argued the most powerful countries, which are generally less dependent on agriculture, tend to prioritize sectors such as energy and transport in climate negotiations. However, many least developed countries, particularly in Africa, are highly dependent on agriculture for employment and economic stability and face urgent climate risks.

“Yet these countries often lack the political influence to elevate agriculture and food systems as central issues in COP negotiations,” he said. “COP30 in Brazil presented a major opportunity to shift this imbalance, making the failure to position food systems at the center of the climate agenda particularly troubling.”

Frugal Financing for Food and Farmers

According to the Climate Policy Initiative (CPI) and the UN’s Standing Committee on Finance, agriculture receives a small and insufficient share of total global climate finance.

Of the available approximate total global climate finance of USD 1.3 trillion per year on average, agriculture gets around USD 35 billion per year. This is a huge shortfall given that food systems are estimated to be responsible for roughly one-third of global greenhouse gas emissions and are one of the sectors most vulnerable to climate impacts, according to the CPI. Worse still, smallholder farmers, who produce up to 80 percent of food in developing countries, only receive 0.3 percent—a striking imbalance, yet they feed the world and are more exposed to climate impacts.

Will COP31 Deliver?

While COP30 highlighted the need to tackle climate change impacts through the transformation of food systems, such as highlighted in the Belém Declaration on Hunger, Poverty and Human-Centered Climate Action, it remains to be seen if COP31 will deliver a positive outcome on food systems.

Waiting for COP31 to save the world is surrendering because agribusiness lobbyists do not take holidays, argues IPES-Food panel’s Raj Patel.

“The test is not whether diplomats can craft better language in Antalya, but whether farmers’ movements, indigenous movements, and climate movements can generate enough political pressure to make governments fear inaction more than they fear confronting corporate power,” he said.

COP31, to be  hosted by Turkey with Australia as negotiations president in 2026 , is expected to prioritize an action agenda centered on adaptation finance, fossil fuel phase-out, adaptation in Small Island Developing States, and oceans.

While this agenda aligns with broader climate justice goals, it means food systems risk becoming indirectly addressed rather than explicitly championed, Kugbega said.

Given the stalled negotiations on financing sustainable agriculture transitions and the postponement of the Sharm el-Sheikh Joint Work on Agriculture, Kugbega said COP31 will likely focus more on developing new roadmaps and agreements than on full-scale implementation.

COP32 could be a greater opportunity for the implementation of the work program under Ethiopia’s COP32 presidency, given the country’s direct exposure to climate risks in agriculture, he noted.

“COP31 will likely shape whether the world arrives at COP32 ready to implement and operationalize sustainable food systems or once again be forced to renegotiate what is already known.”

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

‘Zambia Has Environmental Laws and Standards on Paper – the Problem Is Their Implementation’

Active Citizens, Africa, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Energy, Environment, Featured, Food and Agriculture, Headlines, Health, TerraViva United Nations

Dec 29 2025 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses environmental accountability in Zambia with Christian-Geraud Neema, Africa editor at the China Global South Project, an independent journalism initiative that covers and follows China’s activities in global south countries.


Zambia has environmental laws and standards on paper – the problem is their implementation’

Christian-Geraud Neema

A group of 176 Zambian farmers has filed a US$80 billion lawsuit against a Chinese state-owned mining company over a major toxic spill. In February, the collapse of a dam that was supposed to control mining waste released 50 million litres of toxic wastewater into the Kafue River system, killing fish, destroying crops and contaminating water sources for thousands of people. The compensation demand highlights broader questions about mining governance, environmental oversight and corporate accountability.

What’s this lawsuit about, and why are farmers seeking US$80 billion?

The farmers are suing Sino-Metals Leach Zambia, a subsidiary of the Chinese state-owned China Nonferrous Metal Mining Group, because on 18 February, the company’s tailings dam collapsed, releasing an estimated 50 million litres of acidic, toxic wastewater and up to 1.5 million tonnes of waste material into the Kafue River. This led to water pollution affecting communities in Chambishi and Kitwe, far beyond the immediate mining area.

The lawsuit reflects real harm and frustration. From the farmers’ perspective, the company is clearly responsible. Their livelihoods have been destroyed, their land contaminated and their future made uncertain. In that context, seeking accountability through the courts is a rational response.

That said, the US$80 billion figure is likely exaggerated. It shows the absence of credible damage assessments rather than a precise calculation. When no one provides clear data on losses, communities respond by anchoring their claims in worst-case scenarios.

This case also highlights a broader accountability gap. Mining companies should be held responsible, but governments must also be questioned. These projects are approved, inspected and regulated by state authorities. If a dam was unsafe, why was it authorised? Why was oversight insufficient?

It should be noted that Zambia’s legal framework allows communities to bring such cases domestically, which is a significant step forward compared to earlier cases where affected communities had to sue foreign companies in courts abroad.

What caused the toxic spill?

There is no single, uncontested explanation. There were clear structural weaknesses in the tailings dam. Reports from civil society and media suggest the dam was not built to the required standards under Zambian regulations. But the company argues the dam complied with existing standards and that it was encroachment by surrounding communities that weakened the structure over time.

These two narratives are not mutually exclusive. Even if community interactions with the site occurred, the primary responsibility still lies with the company. Mining operations take place in complex social environments, and companies are expected to anticipate these realities and design infrastructure that is robust enough to withstand them. Ultimately, this incident reflects governance and regulatory failures. It was not an isolated accident.

What were the consequences of the spill?

The impacts have been severe and multidimensional. The spill polluted large sections of the Kafue River, reportedly extending over 100 kilometres. It killed large numbers of fish, contaminated riverbeds and disrupted ecosystems. Agriculturally, farmers using river water for irrigation saw their crops destroyed or rendered unsafe. Livestock and soil quality were also affected. Acidic and toxic substances entered water sources used daily for cooking, drinking and washing, and communities were exposed to serious health risks.

What makes the situation particularly troubling is the lack of reliable and independent data. There has been no transparent and comprehensive assessment released by the government, the company or an independent body. This absence has left communities uncertain about long-term environmental damage and health effects, and fuelled emotionally charged debates instead of evidence-based responses.

Was the disaster preventable?

Absolutely. At a technical level, stronger infrastructure, better-quality materials and stricter adherence to safety standards could have significantly reduced the risk. At an operational level, companies know mining sites are rarely isolated, and community proximity, informal access and social dynamics must be factored in when designing and securing tailings dams.

But prevention also depends heavily on governance. Mining companies are profit-driven entities, and in weak governance environments, the temptation to cut costs is high. This is not unique to Chinese firms. The main difference in how companies operate is not their origin but their context: the same companies often operate very differently in countries with weak or strong regulatory oversight. Where rules are enforced, behaviour improves; where oversight is weak, shortcuts become the norm.

The key issue here is enforcement. Zambia has good environmental laws and standards on paper. The problem is their implementation.

Could this case set a precedent?

This case has the potential to strengthen existing accountability mechanisms rather than create a new precedent. Zambia has seen similar cases before, including lawsuits involving western mining companies. What is different now is the increased legal space for communities to act locally.

If successful, the case could reinforce civil society advocacy for responsible mining, greater transparency and stronger enforcement of environmental regulations. It could also raise awareness among communities living near mining sites about their rights and the risks they face.

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SEE ALSO
South Africa: ‘Environmental rights are enforceable and communities have the right to be consulted and taken seriously’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with The Green Connection 12.Dec.2025
DRC: ‘International demand for coltan is linked to violence in the DRC’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Claude Iguma 09.Jul.2025
Ghana: ‘We demand an immediate ban on illegal mining and strict enforcement of environmental laws’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Jeremiah Sam 29.Oct.2024

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What’s On In Cape Town In January 2026

Cape Town welcomes 2026 on a high note – January is peak summer, and the city comes alive with an unbeatable mix of concerts, festivals, sport, culture and outdoor experiences. From iconic events like the Cape Town Minstrels Street Parade and the King’s Plate to international music tours, open-air theatre and cricket at Newlands.

Cats, the Musical

📅

2-11 January 2026 📍 Artscape Theatre, Cape Town

Pieter Toerien and GWB Entertainment in association with Cape Town Opera by arrangement with The Really Useful Group presents CATS. Andrew Lloyd Webber’s world-famous musical Cats brings iconic songs, choreography and theatrical magic to the Artscape stage. Tickets from R180 on Webtickets.

cats the musical

WAV Festival by AfroNation

📅

2 January 2026 📍 Green Point Track, Cape Town

A festival R&B lovers cannot miss! Amapiano’s Kelvin Momo brings his deep, emotional sound to the festival, while Shekinah’s golden voice is set to light up the stage. The lineup also includes Mariah the Scientist, Wale, Langa Mavuso, and Kujenga. Cape Town, get ready for a high-energy stadium showcase featuring the best in R&B. Find ticket information here.

Milk & Cookies Festival

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3 January 2026 📍 Kenilworth Racecourse, Cape Town

This multi-genre festival celebrates music, food, and community. From amapiano to R&B, house to hip-hop, Milk and Cookies blends global sounds with local culture for one unforgettable celebration. Vibrant stages, curated food vendors, immersive art installations, and the kind of energy that turns a crowd into a community – it’s a gathering where culture, connection, and creativity meet. For tickets go to Howler’s website and for more information visit the official page here.

 

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BLANCHE – a luxury daytime event

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4 January 2026 📍 The Terrace Rooftop, Salt River

Step into the New Year with Blanche; an All-white outdoor celebration, curated by AfroFuture and PVO. This signature experience blends live music, an unmatched atmosphere, and the most vibrant crowd. Presented by Martell, set against Cape Town’s stunning backdrop. Click here for ticket information.

Freshlyground Reunion Concert

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4, 11, 18 January 2026 📍 Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden

Freshlyground reunites for a special open-air concert at Kirstenbosch, delivering feel-good hits in one of Cape Town’s most popular outdoor venues. Find more information and ticket information.

Cape Town Minstrels Street Parade

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5 January 2026 📍 Somerset Road & Fan Walk, Green Point

The iconic Cape Town Minstrel Carnival returns to the Mother City on 5 January 2026. The annual event fills the streets with colour, music and tradition, continuing into DHL Stadium for the Kaapse Klopse Choral Competition. Tap here for the latest event information.

St Tropez presents: Uncle Waffles – The ultimate day time escape

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5 January 2026 📍 Cabo Beach Club, Cape Town

Turn on the glitz and glamour at this epic Cabo Beach experience. Headlined by global sensation Uncle Waffles, expect nothing less than an unforgettable day of pulsating beats, high-energy performances, and pure sophistication. The event promises world-class local DJs spinning infectious sounds that keep the energy flowing from noon until sunset. Get your tickets now.

MI Cape Town vs Joburg Super Kings

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6 January 2026 📍 Newlands Cricket Grounds

Catch SA20 cricket action as MI Cape Town face the Joburg Super Kings at the historic Newlands Cricket Ground. For ticket info, email info@ticketpro.co.za or visit the website here.

Cape Town Jazzathon

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9-11 January 2026 📍 Amphitheatre, V&A Waterfront, Cape Town

Celebrating its 29th anniversary this year, the Cape Town Jazzathon is South Africa’s longest-running music festival. Often referred to as “The People’s Festival,” the event will feature performances daily, from 12.30pm to 8pm. Enjoy a rich variety of styles including Afro Jazz, Cape Jazz, Hip Hop, R&B, Reggae, Neo Soul, and Straight Ahead packed into three days of non-stop entertainment… and its free!!! Learn more.

L’Ormarins King’s Plate

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10 January 2026 📍 Hollywoodbets Kenilworth Racecourse

The Running of the 165th King’s Plate – the L’Ormarins King’s Plate is one of South Africa’s most prestigious horse racing events, combining elite racing, high fashion and a vibrant atmosphere. The King’s Plate is a totally blue and white affair where guests can enjoy some of the country’s best racing, wine, food, antique car displays and renowned after party in the peak of Cape Town’s summer. Tickets start from R600. For more information visit here.

king's plate

Maynardville Open-Air Festival

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From 13 January 2026 📍 Maynardville Park, Wynberg

Cape Town’s premier open-air theatre experience returns, featuring live performances in a magical forest setting. Opening on 13 January, the Shades of Blue Chamber Concert will feature music from composers influenced by the rhythms and harmonies of jazz. Next up is Jazz in the Park (14 to 15 Jan), a new two-day celebration featuring local jazz legends from Cape Town’s rich jazz tradition. From 16 to 17 January, another crowd-favourite Cape Town Philharmonic Orchestra returns with a stirring classical programme. See the full festival programme.

Calum Scott – The Avenoir Tour

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14 January 2026 📍 Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden

International singer-songwriter Calum Scott performs live at Kirstenbosch as part of his global Avenoir Tour. Gates open at 6pm. Concert starts 7pm. For more information, go to Big Concert’s website.

Sheer City Festival

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17-18 January 2026 📍 Harrington Street Precinct

Sheer City is launching its inaugural two-day inner-city festival bringing together Cape Town’s most influential underground nightlife crews with international acts like Horse Meat Disco, Tama Sumo & Lakuti, Make A Dance, Freudenthal, and more. It’s a multi-venue, walkable block party across Harrington Street and the City Bowl fringe, a celebration of Cape Town’s creative pulse, queer culture, music, fashion, performance, and community. Expect six venues, over twenty artists, a full weekend immersion in the city’s next cultural moment.

Sheer Drop at Texas – 2pm to 10pm
Sheer Delight at The Electric – 5pm to 2am
Sheer Disco at Harringtons – 6pm to 4am
Sheer D.O.G at Zer021 Social – 8pm to 4am
Sheer Assembly at District – 8pm to 4am
Sheer Dive at Surfa Rosa – 9pm to 4am

Tickets available from Airdosh

sheer city festival

Sundaze at Durbanville Hills

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25 January 2026 📍 Durbanville Hills Winery

Long, lazy afternoons, cool beats and Cape Town’s most iconic views. Summer at Durbanville Hills is super chilled, and with it, the popular cellar’s much-loved Sundaze Summer Series. DJ Stefanos will be spinning tracks from 2pm to 6pm while you enjoy crisp wines, cocktails, craft beer, wine slushies, and a mouth-watering selection of eats from the Olive Grove Bistro. Set against panoramic vistas of Table Bay and Table Mountain, Sundaze is the perfect way to vibe with friends and family. Tickets cost R100pp and available via Webtickets.

Shxtsngigs: Daddy’s Home – South Africa Tour

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27 January 2026 📍 Grand Arena, GrandWest, Cape Town

The viral podcast duo James and Fuhad bring their Daddy’s Home live show to Cape Town, blending comedy, culture and crowd interaction. Whether you’re a die-hard Cult Baby or just discovering the podcast that’s racked up millions of streams and laughs worldwide, this live experience is your chance to see the boys like never before – live, loud, and uncut. Tickets from R440 via Ticketmaster.

DHL Stormers vs Vodacom Blue Bulls

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27 January 2026 📍 DHL Stadium, Cape Town

Get ready for a major rugby showdown as the DHL Stormers face the Vodacom Blue Bulls in one of the season’s most anticipated fixtures. Cape Town is set to bring the gees – get your tickets today on the Stormer’s website.

green point stadium cape town

World Sports Betting Cape Town Met

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31 January 2026 📍 Hollywoodbets Kenilworth Racecourse

Prepare for the grand return of the World Sports Betting Cape Town Met, where the thrill of elite horse racing converges with a multisensory celebration unlike any other. The 2026 theme Symphony of Style combines fashion, music, and immersive moments. Book your tickets via Computicket.

MET

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12 Days of Summer Giveaways: Day 12 – V&A Waterfront

It’s our 12 Days of Summer Giveaways!

We’re embracing the festive spirit this summer, and from 4 to 19 December 2025, you can win some of the best experiences in Cape Town.

Win a R5000 V&A Waterfront gift voucher, R3000 dining voucher at Coy Restaurant, and one-night stay for 2 people at the Radisson RED Hotel valued at R2750.

The V&A Waterfront is one of Africa’s most visited destinations. Set in South Africa’s oldest working harbour, with the majestic Table Mountain as its backdrop, this iconic destination is a firm favourite among locals and international travellers.


Start your adventure with a R5000 shopping spree, giving you access to hundreds of stores, restaurants and attractions across this world-class neighbourhood.

Then tuck into a fine-dining feast at Coy Restaurant, overlooking spectacular Table Mountain views. Then unwind with a one-night stay for two at the Radisson RED Hotel in the heart of the Silo District.

The competition ends on 19 December 2025, at 23:59 pm SAST. The winner will be announced on Monday, 22 December, at 9am.

Please use this link to enter if the form does not populate: Day 12 – V&A Waterfront – 19th Dec 2025 – Fill out form

Terms and Conditions:

  • The prize is non-transferable and cannot be exchanged for cash.
  • Gift vouchers cannot be redeemed for cash.
  • The hotel stay prize at Radisson RED Hotel can be redeemed between May 2026 and September 2026. The stay is subject to availability and is not valid over block out dates.
  • The hotel stay is for two guests in a Mountain View room with breakfast.

In addition to the above, please view our T’s and C’s here.

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Kenyan Court Restores Seed Freedom: Landmark Ruling Boost for Food Security and Sovereignty

Active Citizens, Africa, Biodiversity, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Environment, Featured, Food and Agriculture, Food Systems, Natural Resources, TerraViva United Nations, Trade & Investment

Food Systems

Farmers celebrate in Gilgil town in Kenya, after a court ruling that decriminalized the sharing of indigenous seeds. Credit: Jackson Okata/IPS

Farmers celebrate in Gilgil town in Kenya, after a court ruling that decriminalized the sharing of indigenous seeds. Credit: Jackson Okata/IPS

NAIROBI, Dec 18 2025 (IPS) – For years, smallholder farmers across Kenya have been engaged in a legal battle with the government over a law that criminalizes the practice of saving, sharing and exchanging indigenous seeds.


In 2022, a group of 15 Kenyan smallholder farmers petitioned the country’s High Court, seeking to compel the government to review sections of a law that bans the sharing and exchange of uncertified and unregistered seeds.

Rural smallholder farmers in Kenya rely on informal farmer-managed systems to acquire seeds through seed saving and sharing, but the Seeds and Plant Varieties Act limited their access.

Kenya’s government enacted the law in 2012 to develop, promote, and regulate a modern and competitive seed industry, but farmers are calling for its review.

The informal farmer-managed seed system allows farmers to store a portion of their seeds after harvesting, which guarantees them seeds for the next planting season.

Victory for Farmers

In a decisive victory for food sovereignty and climate justice, the High Court on November 27, 2025, ruled in favor of smallholder farmers, declaring punitive sections of the Seed and Plant Varieties Act unconstitutional.

The judgment effectively decriminalizes the age-old practice of saving, sharing, and exchanging indigenous seeds, affirming that Farmer-Managed Seed Systems (FMSS) are a protected right, not a criminal activity.

Under the punitive law, farmers faced jail terms of up to two years and a fine of 1 million shillings (about 7,800 USD) for selling or exchanging unregistered seeds.

Farmer rights defenders had argued that the law gave control of the country’s food system to multinational corporations.

In her judgment, Justice Rhoda Rutto declared unconstitutional sections of the Act that gave seed inspectors sweeping powers to raid seed banks and seize seeds meant for the next harvest, made it illegal for farmers to process or sell seeds unless they were registered seed merchants, gave extensive proprietary rights to plant breeders and none to farmers, and made it illegal for farmers to save or share seeds from their harvest without prior knowledge of seed proprietors.

Samuel Wathome, a smallholder farmer who was a petitioner in the case, says that “just like his grandmother did, he can now freely save seeds for his grandchildren without fear of police or prison.”

According to Elizabeth Atieno, a Food Campaigner at Greenpeace Africa, the court ruling affirmed the long-known tradition of seed sovereignty.

“The court ruling removed shackles from Kenya’s farmers.  This is not just a legal win; it is a victory for our culture, our resilience, and our future,” Atieno told IPS.

She added, “By validating indigenous seeds, the court has struck a blow against the corporate capture of our food system. We can finally say that in Kenya, feeding your community with climate-resilient, locally adapted seeds is no longer a crime.”

Protecting Biodiversity

According to Gideon Muya, Programs Officer, Biodiversity and Biosafety Association of Kenya, the judgment is a shield for the country’s biodiversity.

“Indigenous seeds are the library of life because they hold the genetic diversity we need to withstand droughts, pests, and a changing climate. The court has recognized that you cannot patent nature’s heritage. We have reclaimed the right to choose what we plant and what we eat, free from the coercion of commercial seed monopolies,” Muya told IPS.

Claire Nasike, an agroecologist, noted that the judgment indicates that the seed is life, and it is sovereign, and whoever controls it influences the lifeline of a generation.

Nasike observes that the ruling is a big boost for biodiversity, climate resilience and food sovereignty since indigenous seeds tend to be well adapted to local conditions like soil types, rainfall patterns, pests and disease traits that are often lost in uniform, certified commercial seeds.

“By enabling farmers to save, exchange and diversify their seed stock, communities can preserve genetic diversity, a key buffer against climate shocks like droughts and pests, as well as a safeguard for long-term food security.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Refugees Forced to Fill Gaps as Funding, Power and Legal Recognition Move Out of Reach

Active Citizens, Africa, Armed Conflicts, Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Disaster Management, Editors’ Choice, Featured, Global, Human Rights, Humanitarian Emergencies, Middle East & North Africa, Migration & Refugees, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Migration & Refugees

A new global synthesis report and refugee voices from East Africa and the Middle East warn that reductions in humanitarian footprints risks breaking the refugee protection system.

Sahrawi refugees walk near the Awserd Refugee Camp in the Tindouf Province of Algeria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

Sahrawi refugees walk near the Awserd Refugee Camp in the Tindouf Province of Algeria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

SRINAGAR, India, Dec 16 2025 (IPS) – The global refugee system is entering a period of deep strain. The delivery of protection and assistance is undergoing a transformation due to funding cuts, institutional reforms, and shifting donor priorities.


Against this backdrop, a new Global Synthesis Report titled From the Ground Up highlights the many issues faced by refugees in the Middle East and Africa.

Regional Perspectives on Advancing the Global Compact on Refugees has highlighted a rare, refugee-centered assessment of what is working, what is failing, and what must change. The report draws on regional roundtables held in East Africa and the Middle East and North Africa, followed by a global consultation in Geneva, to feed into the 2025 Global Refugee Forum progress review

According to the report, refugee-led and community-based organizations are increasingly taking on responsibilities, but they are not receiving power, funding, or legal recognition. As international agencies scale back under what is being called the Humanitarian Reset and UN80 reforms, refugees are expected to fill widening gaps without the authority or resources required to do so safely and sustainably.

The East Africa roundtables, held in Kampala with participation from refugee organizations in Uganda, Kenya, and Ethiopia, highlight a region often praised for progressive refugee policies. Countries here host millions displaced by conflict, hunger, and climate stress from South Sudan, Sudan, Somalia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Laws and regional frameworks promise freedom of movement, inclusion in national systems, and meaningful participation. The lived reality, however, remains uneven.

Education emerged as a central concern. Refugee children are enrolling in schools at higher rates, especially where they have been integrated into government-aided systems. Yet access remains unequal. Refugee students struggle to have prior qualifications recognized.

Many are treated as international students at universities and charged higher fees. Refugee teachers, often qualified and experienced, receive lower pay than nationals or are excluded from formal recognition. Language barriers and lack of psychosocial support further undermine learning outcomes. Refugee-led groups are already stepping in with mentorship, counseling, and bursary support, but they do so with fragile funding and limited reach.

Documentation and freedom of movement form another critical fault line. Uganda is widely cited for its rapid issuance of refugee IDs and settlement-based approach. Kenya and Ethiopia have made progress through new refugee laws and policy reforms. Still, gaps between policy and practice persist. Refugees in urban areas remain undocumented in large numbers. Identity documents often have short validity, forcing repeated renewals.

Travel documents are difficult to obtain, especially in Ethiopia, limiting cross-border movement, livelihoods, and participation in regional or global policy forums. Without documentation, refugees face arrest, harassment, and exclusion from services. For refugee organizations, lack of legal registration means operating in constant uncertainty.

Access to justice, described in the report as one of the least discussed yet most pivotal issues, cuts across all others. Refugees cannot claim rights or seek redress without functioning justice pathways. Language barriers in courts, xenophobic profiling, and lack of legal aid remain common.

Refugee-led organizations already provide mediation, paralegal support, and court accompaniment, often acting as the first point of contact between communities and authorities. Yet their work is rarely formalized or funded at scale.

These findings came alive during a webinar held at the launch of the report, where refugee leaders from different regions spoke directly about their experiences. One participant from East Africa reflected on repeated engagement in international forums. This event was his third such process, following meetings in Uganda and Gambia. He noted that participation was no longer symbolic. Governments and institutions were beginning to listen more closely.

He pointed to concrete differences across countries. In Kenya, refugees do not require exit visas. In Ethiopia, they do. Sharing such comparisons, he argued, helps governments rethink restrictive practices and adapt lessons from neighbors.

From the Middle East and North Africa, the discussion shifted to documentation and access to justice. A Jordan-based lawyer explained that civil documentation is not mere paperwork. It is the foundation of rights and accountability. Without birth registration, children cannot access education.

Without legally recognized marriages, women and children remain unprotected. Many Syrian refugees arrived in Jordan without documents, having lost them during flight or lacking legal awareness. Over time, Jordan introduced measures such as fee waivers, legal aid, and even Sharia courts inside camps like Zaatari to facilitate birth and marriage registration. Civil society groups have provided thousands of consultations and legal representations, bridging gaps between refugees and state systems.

The webinar also highlighted language as a structural barrier. In Jordan, Arabic serves as a common language for Syrians, easing communication. In East Africa, linguistic diversity complicates access to justice and services. Uganda hosts South Sudanese, Sudanese, and Congolese refugees, each with distinct languages, while official processes operate in English and Kiswahili. Governments have made efforts to provide interpretation, but gaps remain, particularly in courts and police interactions.

In Ethiopia, where Amharic dominates official institutions, refugee organizations often rely on founders or leaders who speak the language fluently, limiting broader participation.

As the conversation turned to the future of the humanitarian system, the tone grew more urgent. Participants acknowledged that funding cuts have already halted programs and exposed vulnerabilities. One speaker stressed that legal aid and documentation cannot be seen as optional sectors.

Without sustained support, entire protection systems risk collapse. Empowerment, he argued, goes beyond providing lawyers. It means building refugees’ confidence and capacity to navigate legal systems themselves.

Another participant addressed donors and UN agencies directly. Localization, he said, will fail if refugee organizations are treated only as implementers of predesigned projects. Power must shift alongside responsibility.

Refugee organizations should help design programs, raise resources, and make decisions based on community priorities. Otherwise, localization becomes another layer of outsourcing rather than a genuine transfer of agency.

The speaker’s final intervention starkly highlighted the stakes involved. With funding shrinking and uncertainty growing, refugees may soon have no option but to rely on themselves. Investing in refugee-led organizations, the speaker said, is not a luxury. This represents the final line of hope for refugees on the ground.

The MENA roundtables echo many of these concerns but in a more restrictive political context. Civic space is tighter. Legal recognition for refugee organizations is often impossible or risky. In Jordan, refugees cannot legally register organizations. In Egypt, civil society laws limit advocacy.

In Türkiye, registration is technically possible but bureaucratically daunting. Despite this, refugee-led initiatives have multiplied, filling gaps in education, protection, and livelihoods as international actors retreat.

The report warns of a dangerous paradox. Localization is advancing by necessity, not design. International agencies withdraw. Local actors step in. Yet funding, decision-making, and protection remain centralized. Refugee organizations absorb risk without safeguards. Participation is often tokenistic. Refugees are present in meetings but absent from real influence.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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