EXTRACT | Great Johannesburg, News24’s Book of the Month: Examining crisis in the City of Gold

News24’s Book of the Month for July, Nickolaus Bauer’s Great Johannesburg: What Happened? How to Save an African Economic Giant is a comprehensive portrait of the city. 

The book covers many aspects of Jozi life, from zama zamas to water cuts, blackouts, exploding streets and political instability. Is the City of Gold in a death spiral? Bauer examines the current crisis by starting with Johannesburg’s origins as a cauldron of cultures and a hustler’s haven. He looks at how a city of migrants turned into a xenophobic hotspot, how the politics of gold, the shadow of apartheid and the evolution of the tsotsi – crime and criminality – affect life in Johannesburg today, and what can be done about these. 

With chapters on redlining, the walkability of the city, corporate corruption, mayoral musical chairs and the proliferation of illegal backyard buildings, Great Johannesburg provides a comprehensive analysis of the current malaise, as it outlines possible solutions.  

Bauer has covered Johannesburg as a political journalist since 2008 and lived in the inner city since 2010, eight years of which were in Hillbrow and five years in the Ponte Towers. He worked within the Johannesburg city administration as a Deputy Director for the Environment and Infrastructure Services Department in 2022.

In this extract, Bauer looks at redlining and why it’s disastrous for the inner city.


BOOK: Great Johannesburg: What Happened? How to Save an African Economic Giant by Nickolaus Bauer (Tafelberg)

“Look how fucked this place is now!” “This used to be the best of Johannesburg – the best of South Africa. And now it’s all gone to shit! Any why? Because they moved in”

I wasn’t that surprised by the outburst. These were fairly standard sentiments among large parts of the white community in the 1980s and 1990s in South Africa as the country transitioned towards democracy. But I did think it was pretty ballsy for someone who used to call Hillbrow their stomping ground shouting this in the middle of the street, surrounded by black people. On a Dlala Nje tour highlighting the regeneration and hope of contemporary Hillbrow and the Johannesburg inner-city. Ballsy maybe but ignorant mostly.

The worn out narrative of Hillbrow’s transformation from Apartheid era Bohemian haven to democratic multiracial slum being down to the rapid influx of black South Africans is pervasive. But with the blame now being apportioned to the Zimbabweans, Nigerians and Malawians that call the infamous inner city suburb home. New black people arriving in Hillbrow have often been portrayed as having different standards, ultimately wanting to live in a hovel and responsible for the overall social and physical decline of the area.

But labelling Hillbrow as a no-go area today because of the influx of people of a darker hue or different African nationality is not only racist but simply false.

Hillbrow was one of the first neighbourhoods in South Africa to become racially diverse in spite of the Group Areas Act of 1950. From its proclamation in 1895 the neighbourhood was always a hub for new arrivals to the city and its uniquely ethno-diverse flavour accelerated in the 1960s with the rapid import of skilled European labourers due to the Apartheid government shutting black people out of the booming economy. Germans, Brits, Dutch, Italians, French, Portuguese and the like settled in the 36 city block, 1KM2 suburb as it quickly became an oasis of modern Western urbanity in Africa. But from the late 1970s the whites-only urban areas Apartheid policy began crumbling as Hillbrow became a grey area. Grey area being the lame and unimaginative term coined by Apartheid authorities to define places where legally forbidden racial mixing was taking place. Initially on dance floors in nightclubs and later in high-rise flat bedrooms. The common excuse for a mixed race household being to dismiss the non-white residents of a home as the domestic help if authorities ever questioned an interracial living arrangement. This explanation being futile in the presence of mixed children though.

In 1985 more than 90% of the population in Hillbrow was white. By the early 1990s more than 80% of the suburb’s population was black and was quickly followed by the literal physical decline of the neighbourhood. The condemnation of a correlation was swift from not only the all white government but also the press, former inner-city aficionados and fleeing European migrants. But while that may have complimented racial sentiments and white fear it said nothing of the broader environment. While the area’s increased racial mixing did indeed coincide with a drop in living standards, the causal effect of this being a misconception. Critically, it completely ignores the role of disastrous redlining that struck the suburb down.

There was indeed a red menace that crept through Johannesburg and South Africa from the 1980s onwards. But it was not in the communism Apartheid apparatchiks frothed at the mouth about. Redlining is the discriminatory practice of denying services to specific communities by banks, financial institutions and/or local authorities due to its perceived economic undesirability. The term originated in the mid-20th century USA after red lines were literally drawn on maps by bank managers and local councillors to separate areas where financial institutions and local authorities would avoid making investments or providing services.

Redlining by banks meant no loans, mortgages and/or insurance being afforded to an area deemed unworthy. While basic services and infrastructure maintenance would be withdrawn by local authorities. Disproportionately affecting minority African American communities as early as the 1930s across America from Philadelphia to San Diego.

It is an absolute disaster in socioeconomic terms, effectively switching off the financial taps and leading to an area’s rapid degradation. Redlining may have been banned in the USA in 1968 but its effects remain across the world from Amsterdam to Calcutta. In effect surviving through disproportionately higher interest rates being enforced in undesirable areas, effectively making loans out of reach. Hillbrow is just one Johannesburg suburb famous for redlining with the effects – depressed investment, urban decay and higher interest rates among others – on full display to this day. The swift demographic change in Hillbrow as Apartheid began to crumble severely spooked not only the government but big business too. Leading to a chicken versus egg debate: What came first the falling standards of the area or the turning off of the economic taps?  Ponte posh becomes Ponte slum

No other building encapsulates what happens when an area falls to redlining than the infamous Ponte. The very thought of the building still remains cringe-worthy to many Joburgers who continue to see it as a den of iniquity. Historically, Ponte Towers was the place to be and when it opened its doors in 1975, it was the crème de la crème of city living. One of the very first live, work and play building concepts in Johannesburg the 54 story and 173m high concrete monolith with a hollow core attracted the city’s more affluent residents.

But, by the mid-1980s, Hillbrow’s melting pot of cultures became the site of rapid urban degeneration fuelled by redlining. Accordingly, Ponte’s glory days ended almost as quickly as they came with tales of drug dealers, prostitutes and criminals running free within its circular walls. Residents of that era claim the 11th and 12th floors were completely stripped bare and, along with the downstairs parking lot, were nothing more than spots to score anything ranging from an acid trip to a blow job. And why did the building do a complete 180 degree turn in just 15 to 20 years?

The exact same formula had been applied to it as in other parts of Hillbrow: initial racial mixing led to tacit tolerance, an influx of new non-white middle class residents as well as poor people on the pavements outside. While spiking interest rates worsened the financial situation as property prices plummeted and financial institutions and authorities got spooked. The red ink began to spill and before long the building was in the same boat as many others in the area. By 2001 Ponte was Africa’s first vertical urban slum with a building initially constructed for 1000 residents, now home to up to 8000 with no running water or electricity and trash piled to the 14th floor in its hollowed out core. 

Luckily, the contemporary story of Ponte is vastly different. Home to over 2 000 residents, there is now an orderly waiting list to become a resident in Ponte as one of the most sought after addresses for the middle class of Johannesburg central suburbs. However, the same cannot be said of Hillbrow and other areas that also fell victim to redlining.

If you don’t think the process exists anymore, then try and get a mortgage to buy a property in Berea, Troyeville, Bertrams, Sophiatown, Yeoville and other city suburbs that have fallen into social ruin amid the competing realities of the biggest city in the world’s most unequal society. Successfully combating redlining once it has arrived in an area is a herculean task.

Redlining has maybe lost its potency with it being loosely thrown around, but it continues to cast a dark shadow on efforts to desegregate and restructure areas in democratic South Africa. The first step in tackling this scourge would be stringent legislation explicitly prohibiting redlining practices and ensuring equal access to housing loans. Ideally at a national level but to be implemented by the Johannesburg council if necessary. Moreover, community action in maintaining an area is crucial in forcing financial institutions to actively contribute to the revitalization of historically redlined neighbourhoods in Johannesburg.

What incentive would a bank have in investing if it’s apparent the residents of an area simply do not care about its upkeep? The alternative to addressing these historical injustices is to simply perpetuate redlining practices for generations to come. Lending credence to the nauseating ignorance that latter day Apartheid racial mixing and uncontrolled contemporary African migration has led to the decay of places like Hillbrow. 

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Special Report: Exposing Afghanistan’s Pervasive, Methodical System of Gender Oppression

Civil Society, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Education, Featured, Gender, Headlines, Human Rights, Humanitarian Emergencies, Middle East & North Africa, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Education Cannot Wait. Future of Education is here

Richard Bennett during his oral statement at the Human Rights Council on June 18, 2024. Credit: Anne-Marie Colombet/Human Rights Council

Richard Bennett during his oral statement at the Human Rights Council on June 18, 2024. Credit: Anne-Marie Colombet/Human Rights Council

NAIROBI , Jul 1 2024 (IPS) – The UN Special Rapporteur’s annual report on human rights in Afghanistan lays bare the alarming phenomenon of an institutionalized system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity and exclusion of women and girls.

In the new report, Richard Bennett, the UN’s Special Rapporteur, provides an intersectional analysis of the establishment and enforcement of this institutionalized system of unparalleled gender oppression. It paints a picture of a worsening situation for women and girls.


“The situation is that the de facto authorities, who control the country but are not yet recognized as a government, are not just failing to implement their obligations to human rights under the human rights treaties that they’ve signed. They are deliberately implementing policies and practices that flout those policies to create a society where women are permanently inferior to men,” says Bennett in an exclusive interview with IPS.

Education Cannot Wait’s #AfghanGirlsVoices global campaign highlights real-life testimonies of hope, courage and resilience by Afghan girls denied their right to education. Credit: ECW

Education Cannot Wait’s #AfghanGirlsVoices global campaign highlights real-life testimonies of hope, courage and resilience by Afghan girls denied their right to education. Credit: ECW

“Of course, there is sexism in every country, some worse than others, but this is very different from any other country.”

Bennett is referring to the distressing pattern of large-scale systematic violations and subjugation of women’s and girls’ fundamental rights that is unfolding, abetted by the Taliban’s discriminatory and misogynist policies and harsh enforcement methods such as gender apartheid and persecution.

“Only in Afghanistan has a government shut schools for girls above the age of 13, above the sixth grade, and does not allow women to go to universities. And this, combined with segregation, means that women are really suffering. For example, women can only get treatment from doctors who are women and the same applies to teaching. It is a very segregated society as a whole. Just today, a businesswoman told me that she could only do business with female customers. This is affecting not just the current situation and the current generation, but the future as well.”

The Special Rapporteur finds that the Taliban’s institutionalized system of discrimination is most visible through its relentless issuance and enforcement of edicts, decrees, declarations and orders that in and of themselves constitute severe deprivations of human rights and violations of international law.

Between June 2023 and March 2024, they issued an estimated 52 edicts. These include banning foreign non-governmental organizations from providing educational programmes, including community-based education. The Taliban banned women from participating in radio and television shows alongside male presenters.

In July 2023, female beauty salons were forced to close. In August 2023, women were prohibited from entering Band-e Amir National Park. In October 2023, women were excluded from holding directorships within non-governmental organizations. In February 2024, women on television were required to wear a black hijab, with their faces covered, leaving only their eyes visible.

“We are concerned about intergenerational issues, but also intersectional issues. There is discrimination against women and girls who are of an ethnic or religious or linguistic marginalized groups,  or persons with disabilities, or a woman heading a household. Travel requires accompaniment by a close male relative and some women do not have such a person available. All of this is extremely restrictive and will also affect future generations as it will lead to a lack of education and professions,” Bennett says.

The report finds that “women and girls are being maneuvered into increasingly narrow roles where the deep-rooted patriarchy, bolstered and legitimized by Taliban ideology, deems them to belong: as bearers and rearers of children, and as objects available for exploitation, including debt bondage, domestic servitude, sexual exploitation and other forms of unremunerated or poorly remunerated labor.”

The UN Special Rapporteur stresses that there was progress in Afghanistan before the return of the Taliban.

“It was not perfect, but for 20 years there was notable progress. As a result, there are very many professional women in Afghanistan, and women who head households as the main income earners—the main breadwinners for their families. The restrictions are having very serious negative effects.”

Richard Bennett, UN Special Rapporteur Afghanistan, advocates for the rights of every girl to education in Afghanistan. Credit: ECW

Richard Bennett, UN Special Rapporteur for Afghanistan, advocates for the rights of every girl to education in Afghanistan. Credit: ECW

Bennett is among the prominent supporters of the global #AfghanGirlsVoices campaign launched by Education Cannot Wait (ECW), the global fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises within the United Nations. Now in its second phase, the campaign aims to ensure unrestricted access to education for Afghan girls and young women.

After seizing power in 2021, the Taliban swiftly imposed a ban on secondary education for girls, subsequently expanding this restriction to encompass universities and, more recently, private learning centers. Young women have also been prevented from leaving Afghanistan to pursue tertiary education.

“There has never been universal education in Afghanistan, even in the 20 years preceding the return of the Taliban. However, the education system gradually improved, although not as much in remote or rural areas. Part of this was due to a lack of resources, as well as an ongoing internal conflict. So, it was insecure and difficult to maintain schools. But once the Taliban came back into power after August 2021, an education system built over two decades was quickly unraveling,” he says.

In addition to the school closures, he speaks of concerns about the quality of education from two perspectives. One is the alarm over an ongoing brain drain in Afghanistan since the Taliban took over. Many teachers and university lecturers have left the country.

The other concerns are changes to the curriculum and especially a notable increase in madrasa education. Madrasa education has always been a feature of life in Afghanistan. “But now there seems to be at least anecdotal information that the teaching is much more religious-based than a broad education. Girls can go to madrasas,” he says. 

On recommendations and urgent solutions moving forward, Bennett stresses that “no country should ban schools. We therefore continue to call for the reversal of this policy and the reopening of schools with a good quality education. My recommendations are what I call an all-tools approach, as only one approach or any one tool will not work.”

Overall, he says the report calls for justice and accountability, incorporating human rights and women’s voices in political processes and diplomatic engagement. Emphasizing that bolstering documentation of human rights abuses and violations is critical, as is reinforcing protection and solidarity for Afghan women, girls and human rights defenders.

Bennett has a direct message to the current rulers in Afghanistan, the Taliban, to reverse their policies and to comply with human rights. The second message is to the international community, urging them not to normalize or recognize Afghanistan’s unacceptable and worsening human rights situation.

Further stressing that the global community should strongly resist normalizing diplomatic relations or accepting the Taliban into the UN unless and until they meet concrete, measurable, verifiable benchmarks on human rights and the rights of women and girls.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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IRAQ: ‘Tolerance for Abuses Against LGBTQI+ People Has Now Been Made Explicit Through Legislation’

Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Featured, Gender, Gender Identity, Gender Violence, Headlines, Human Rights, LGBTQ, Middle East & North Africa, Religion, TerraViva United Nations

Jul 1 2024 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses the criminalisation of same-sex relations in Iraq with Sarah Sanbar, researcher at Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa division.


Sarah Sanbar

The Iraqi parliament recently passed a law criminalising LGBTQI+ people, punishing same-sex relations with between 10 and 15 years in prison and transgender identities with sentences of one to three years. The original proposal included even harsher penalties, but lawmakers introduced amendments in response to strong criticism. Supporters claim the law upholds deeply held religious values, while critics condemn it for institutionalising discrimination and enabling serious human rights abuses.

What led to recent legislative changes criminalising LGBTQI+ people?

On 27 April 2024, the Iraqi parliament passed an amendment to the country’s 1988 anti-prostitution law, effectively criminalising same-sex relations and transgender identities. The amendment states that same-sex relations are punishable with between 10 and 15 years in prison, and provides for one to three years’ imprisonment for those who undergo or perform gender-affirming medical procedures.

The law also punishes those who ‘imitate women’ with a seven-year prison sentence and a fine of between 10 and 15 million Iraqi dinars (approx. US$7,700 to US$11,500) and criminalises the ‘promotion of homosexuality’, a vague and undefined expression.

The passing of this law follows years of steadily increasing hostile rhetoric against LGBTQI+ people. Prominent politicians and media personalities have consistently spread harmful stereotypes, tropes and disinformation. They often claim homosexuality is a western import that goes against traditional Iraqi values.

This rhetoric has increasingly translated into government action. For example, on 8 August 2023, the Communications and Media Commission issued a directive ordering all media outlets to replace the term ‘homosexuality’ with ‘sexual deviance’ in all published and broadcast language. The directive also banned the use of the word ‘gender’, which shows how the crackdown on LGBTQI+ rights is intertwined with broader issues, and is also used to target and silence women’s rights organisations working on gender-based violence.

Sadly, as in many other countries, LGBTQI+ people in Iraq are being used as political pawns and scapegoats to distract from the government’s failure to provide for its people. Tensions are growing between the more conservative and religious groups in society and government and those that take a more secular approach to governance. The fact that conservatives have gained increasing support in successive elections allows laws like this to be passed. Such a law probably wouldn’t have been passed even a few years ago.

What’s the situation of LGBTQI+ people in Iraq, and how do you expect it to change?

The situation of LGBTQI+ people is extremely unsafe. Threats to their physical safety, including harassment, assault, arbitrary detention, kidnappings and killings, come from society at large – including family and community members as well as strangers – and from armed groups and state personnel. Human Rights Watch has documented cases of abductions, rape, torture and killings by armed groups. Impunity is widespread, and the government’s failure to hold perpetrators accountable sends the message that this violence is acceptable.

With the passage of the new law, the already dire situation is expected to worsen. Tolerance for abuses has now been made explicit through legislation. As a result, an increase in violence is to be expected, along with an increase in the number of LGBTQI+ Iraqis fleeing the country to seek safety elsewhere. Unfortunately, it is becoming even harder for LGBTQI+ Iraqis to ensure their physical safety in the country, let alone lead fulfilling lives, find love, make friends and build links with others in their community.

What are the challenges facing Iraqi LGBTQI+ rights organisations?

The space for LGBTQI+ organisations in Iraq has long been extremely limited. For example, in May 2023, a court in the Kurdistan Region ordered the closure of Rasan, one of the few groups willing to publicly advocate for LGBTQI+ rights in the region. The reason the court gave for its closure was its activities ‘in the field of homosexuality’, and one piece of evidence cited was its use of rainbow colours in its logo.

Organisations such as Rasan have previously been targeted under vaguely worded morality and public indecency laws that restrict freedom of expression. By criminalising the ‘promotion of homosexuality’, the new law makes the work of LGBTQI+ organisations even more dangerous. Any action in support of LGBTQI+ rights could be perceived as ‘promoting homosexuality’, which could lead to activities being banned or organisations being shut down. It will be almost impossible for LGBTQI+ rights organisations to operate openly.

In addition, all civil society organisations in Iraq must register with the Directorate of NGOs, a process that includes submitting bylaws, lists of activities and sources of funding. But now, it is essentially impossible for LGBTQI+ organisations to operate transparently, because they can’t openly state their intention to support LGBTQI+ people without risking closure or prosecution. This leaves two options: stop working, or operate clandestinely with the risk of arrest hanging over them.

Given the restrictive legal and social environment, many organisations operate from abroad. IraQueer, one of the most prominent LGBTQI+ advocacy groups, is based in Sweden.

But despite the challenges, LGBTQI+ organisations continue to advocate for LGBTQI+ rights, help people fleeing persecution and work with foreign governments to put pressure on Iraq to roll back discriminatory policies. And they have made significant achievements, facilitating the safe passage of people fleeing persecution and broadening coalitions to advocate for LGBTQI+ rights internationally. Their perseverance in the face of adversity is inspiring.

What international support do local LGBTQI+ groups need?

Global organisations should use their capacity to sound the alarm and advocate for the repeal of the new law and the reversal of other discriminatory measures, and for impunity for violence against LGBTQI+ people in Iraq to be addressed.

An effective strategy could be to focus on human rights violations. Equal protection from violence and equal access to justice are required under international law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Arab Charter on Human Rights, both of which Iraq has signed. Advocacy for LGBTQI+ rights as human rights can put greater pressure on the Iraqi government to fulfil its obligations.

It’s also essential to provide resources and support to local organisations in Iraq and in host countries where LGBTQI+ Iraqis seek refuge, to ensure people have access to basic needs and community support, and can live full lives without fear.

Civic space in Iraq is rated ‘closed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

Get in touch with Human Rights Watch through its website, and follow @hrw and @SarahSanbar on Twitter.

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