Football and spiritualism

Ghana
Ghana
The Ghana national team is set to hold a training camp in Abu … ”We head out to Ismailia to look at the facilities that are available to our teams.

Introduction

A Dictionary of African-American Slang says juju, as it spells it, is from the Bantu word ‘njiu’, which means both ‘danger’ and a ‘fetish against harm’.

The Bantu languages are spoken in central and southern Africa.

Another Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology, and Legend, says juju is “the spirit dwelling within a made object or fetish”, in the belief of the Ibo in the lower Niger. The term is said to be applied to the ghosts and evil spirits of southern Nigeria.

Indeed, a good number of Africans generally see juju as any object that is worshipped superstitiously and used as an amulet or fetish.

So, how effective is Juju?

The interaction between sport and religion has been a significant area of study for sports psychologists, who have recognized the importance of religion and spirituality in athlete’s lives. According to research done by organizations such as Christians in Sport (CIS) in the United Kingdom, the fellowship of Christian athletes (FCA), and the centre for sport and Jewish Life in America, illustrates that a significant number of religious athletes exist in the world of sports. In Africa, religion and spirituality is a very sensitive issue. In dealing with issues in Africa, the scientific aspects of the issues are mostly ignored and the spiritual aspect rather takes centre stage. This is no cultural shock to Africans as we believe in spirituality in every facet of our lives and sports especially football is no exception. Religion and spirituality examples in sports include prayers, ritual activities, superstition, and myths just to mention a few exist in sports.

Juju scandal rocks Africa U-20 Championship final

Zambia defeated Senegal 2-0 to win the 2017 Africa U-20 Championship in a game the latter were suspected of using Juju.

Senegal were accused of using Juju in the final of the Africa U-20 Championship final, which was full of drama, as they suffered a 0-2 defeat against, hosts nation, Zambia at the National Heroes Stadium on Sunday.

One Senegalese player had to be forced by the referee to remove something he had put under his wrist band while another one was seen pulling something from his socks and throwing it in the Zambian net but Zambian players protested and quickly threw it out of the net.

During the game goals from PatsonDaka and Edward Chilufya won the Zambians their first title at youth level and their second major continental in 2012 by their senior team.

Pele

Even the best players can find themselves under the control of a superstition and when I say ‘best’ I mean Pele.

The Brazilian legend once gave a match shirt to a fan, only to then suffer a dip in form. He instructed a friend to track down the old shirt and a week later it was returned to Pele, who immediately returned to his goalscoring ways.

What the friend did not tell Pele was that he actually could not find the original shirt and simply gave him another one. If he had not lied, then football history might have been very different.

Anthony Kodjo Djifan explains ‘Voodoo’

King of Voodoo in neighbouring Togo, Anthony Kodjo Djifan, who says voodoo and juju share similar traits, believes juju plays football.

According to him, many clubs and national teams have often come into my shrine to enlist the help of Amegatetele-glikpo and Torgbui Ativinikpin (both deities) and testified to their wondrous works.

Juju and personal effort

  • Maitre Polo, a 48-year-old karate-do specialist who is popularly known in Lome stated categorically that as much as juju is powerful, the team also will have to complement its work by putting in a lot of efforts on the field of play.

Maitre Polo is an international referee and professor of judo and karate-do. The former national trainer of Togo’s martial teams at the Abuja 2003 All Africa Games, own the Plaisir Judo Club.

Malawi-based renowned local herbalist, Dr Moffat Moyo, also says he has been supplying juju to both local and foreign clubs but quickly points out that hard work and training are the best medicine.

“I can confirm those teams from within and neighbouring countries and regions come to seek help but I cannot give their details. However, what I can advise is that hard work is the best medicine. The [concoctions] that we give only boost performance. I provide farmers with ‘medicine’ that boosts crop yields but if a farmer doesn’t work hard, he won’t realize bumper yields.

“If I provide ‘medicine’ to somebody who has never practiced boxing, will that work against an

experienced boxer? That’s why I am saying one needs to put in extra effort other than waiting for juju to do everything.

Former Technical Director of Nigeria Football Association (NFA), Kashimowo Laloko, once told the BBC World Service programme that he believes juju can change the course of a football match.

“I believe it does exist (juju). As an African, we have our customs and tradition.”

Laloko was sent off before the start of the 2000 African Cup of Nations quarter-final between Nigeria and Senegal for removing what he believed to be a talisman that was near Senegal’s goal.

“I had to pick whatever I found there and I left,” he said. Although Laloko was sent off after being reported to Botswana’s Ashford Mamelodi, who was the match commissioner, he has no regrets for his controversial action five years on.

“Before the match [the Senegalese] came onto the pitch and started performing some rituals.

“An executive member of CAF then asked me if I was going to allow what was happening.

“If I had not done what I did and we had lost, journalists would have written all sorts of nonsense,” Laloko told the BBC.

Perhaps, Laloko knows where he is coming from. Not too long ago, the BBC also reported that the Ivorian government settled a 10-year dispute with disgruntled witch doctors (juju men) who claimed to have had a hand in the country’s Nations Cup victory in Senegal 1992. They had threatened mayhem to befall Ivorian football if not compensated.

The witch doctors, from a suburb of the capital Yamoussoukro, were said to have been hired by the then sports Minister before the Nations Cup finale with Ghana.

The Elephants of Ivory Coast (Cote d’Ivoire) won the trophy after out-muscling Ghana’s Black Stars in a historic and dramatic penalty shoot-out (11-10) after extra time.

As a matter of fact, the belief in the use of juju and other forms of charms and incantations is not exclusive to West Africans.

Former trainer of the South African senior national team, Jomo Sono, is a self-confessed believer in the power of charms to change his fortunes on the pitch.

Former Zimbabwe international, Memory Mucherahohwa revelations on Juju

In Zimbabwe, there have been claims and counter-claims but the use of juju has largely remained shrouded in secrecy.

One of Zimbabwe’s most revered players has lifted the lid on the practice during his time at the country’s biggest football club, Dynamos.

Memory Mucherahohwa, who led Dynamos to the 1998 African Champions League final, has revealed a world of bizarre rituals, spells and charms to enhance the team’s fortunes on the field.

In his autobiography, Soul of Seven Million Dreams, the 49-year-old former Zimbabwe international said belief in juju was so deep that it got in the way of technical strategy and negatively affected performances.

“Every week before a game the team would consult a traditional healer. I, as the team captain, would be the one to execute whatever the sangoma [witch doctor] had said. Whether it actually aided us, I do not know,” Mucherahohwa writes.

“The team believed more in juju than players’ ability. We believed in collective use of the juju and consulted one traditional healer as a team.

“In most cases, we had the team’s traditional healers who were on the team’s payroll.

“The belief was so high at the club that coach [Peter] Nyama lost his job in 1990 after being fingered by a traditional healer as being guilty of jinxing the team.”

Mucherahohwa, who retired in 2001 after captaining Dynamos for eight years, also describes an incident in which a juju-man slit the players’ toes in order to administer his “medicine” and asked the team to play through the pain.

“The cuts were so deep and our toes were in pain throughout the match.

“The pain was made worse by the fact that we drew the match 1-1 [against Canon Yaoundé of Cameroon] to bow of the competition [1987 Africa Cup of Champions].

“In that case, juju did not help us at all, but that did not stop the team from believing in it.

“My loyalty was with the team’s cause and I was prepared to do anything. I was prepared to die on the field … and even volunteered to be the team’s juju carrier.”

A comical incident was recorded in Zimbabwean football a couple of seasons back when the Highlanders played Arcadia FC in an epic league match. It was reported by a Zimbabwean website that handlers of Arcadia, probably convinced their opponents had ‘jujued’ the approved entry points, decided to use a long ladder to get the players onto the field via one of the stands.

According to former goalie of the Zimbabwean national team, MuzondiwaMugadza, juju or muti as they call it there is a commonplace but as to whether it works is another story.”

“At Zimbabwean Saints, we were regularly given juju as a team or made to do certain rituals, but at the end of the day we had to battle relegation”, Mugadza told the New-Zimbabwe.com.

Here are the most ridiculous superstitions in world football.

Sam Johnson

Former Black Stars player said superstition plays a big part in the lives of many footballers.

He has made a startling revelation about him consulting witch doctors in a bid to improve his game and break the curse of injury.

“There is Juju in football and any footballer who says otherwise is a liar. I’ve practised it before,” he told Happy Fm’sAnopaBosuo Sports,

“I used it to play football for a longer period but it got to a time I decided to stop because it wasn’t helping like the way I anticipated but I think it did a lot for me also.

“I’m now a born again Christian and won’t advise anybody to venture into that because football at moment has changed a lot from our time, it has evolved.”

KoloToure

The Ivorian insists on being the last player to come onto the pitch. It sounds a harmless enough superstition, but it landed the player in real trouble during a Champions League game between Roma and Toure’s former club Arsenal.

With Toure’s then central-defensive partner William Gallas receiving half-time treatment on an injury, Toure refused to come out before Gallas and the game restarted without them. Toure eventually took the field without permission from the referee and received a yellow card for his troubles.

John Terry

The former England skipper admitted to John Cross of The Mirror that he has ‘around 50’ superstitions that he has to observe before a match. The list of rituals is so lengthy and involved that even Rain Man would consider it a bit strange.

Before a game, John Terry listens to the same Usher CD in the car, parks in the same spot, sits on the same seat on the team bus, ties the tapes round his socks three times and cut the tubular grip for his shin-pads exactly the same length. Terry even used the same pair of ‘lucky’ shin pads for ten years before losing them at an away game in Barcelona.

I wonder if wearing a full kit (including lucky shin pads) for a match that he’s suspended for, is another of Terry’s superstitions? It would certainly explain a few things…

Johan Cruyff

He has played for and managed both Ajax and Barcelona. Embodying the “total football” philosophy, he was voted European Player of the Century in 1999.

Johan Cruyff’s rituals seemed bizarre on the face of it. The Dutch footballing legend would always punch his teammate GertBals in the stomach before a match began. A slightly less aggressive, but scarcely less peculiar habit of Cruyff’s was to spit his chewing gum into the opponent’s half of the field just before kick-off. He felt that the influence of this latter habit was vindicated when he forgot his gum in the European Cup Final of 1969. His Ajax side lost 4-0 to AC Milan.

David Beckham

He spent ten years with Manchester United, during which he won a clutch of trophies, including the 1999 treble. He also turned out for a number of other sides, including Preston North End and Real Madrid. He made over a hundred appearances for England, many as captain.

Former England captain David Beckham admits that he struggles with obsessive-compulsive disorder. This has helped push him towards a series of rituals that he felt were very necessary to perform. “I have to have everything in a straight line, or everything has to be in pairs,” he said. Beckham admitted that he has often rearranged hotel rooms to make “everything perfect”. He will move all the leaflets and books into a drawer. The former Manchester United star’s wife Victoria also revealed that Beckham will throw away a can of drink from their fridge rather than tolerate an uneven number. “He’s a weirdo,” said Victoria.

Shay Given

He has kept goal for a host of clubs including Blackburn Rovers, Newcastle United and Aston Villa. He won over a hundred caps for the Republic of Ireland.

Prior to every match, he competed in, Irish goalkeeper Shay Given would place a vial of Lourdes holy water at the back of his goal as a lucky charm. “I carry it in my kit bag and it goes everywhere with me,” he said. Given was not the first Irish goalie to take something special to the field. His predecessor in goal for the Republic of Ireland was Paddy Bonner, who would take a piece of clay from County Donegal onto the pitch in his glove bag.

David James

He began his career with Watford in the 1980s. During the following decade, as a Liverpool player, he also represented England on 53 occasions. He has also worked as a model for Giorgio Armani and as a TV pundit.

Many footballers have obsessive rituals that go “way beyond the normal”, says former Liverpool goalkeeper David James. Take James himself, for instance. His elaborate routines, which he described as “mental machinery”, began the evening before each game. He would not speak to anyone and he would seek out a urinal, wait until it was deserted and then spit against the wall. James felt it really made a difference when he was between the sticks. “I was in this mad little world where as long as I did everything in the right order, then anything could be achieved,” he said.

Laurent Blanc and Fabien Barthez

Blanc played for several clubs including Napoli, Barcelona and Manchester United. A cultured defender, he won 97 caps for France and a World Cup winner’s medal in 1998.

A kiss is just a kiss – unless it’s a puckering ritual that leads to your country winning the football World Cup. French defender Laurent Blanc took to kissing the bald head of a teammate, goalkeeper Fabien Barthez, before each game at the 1998 World Cup finals. It made for quite an arresting sight: the big-haired Blanc kissing the vast, barren orb of Barthez. But Blanc’s superstition worked – the French went all the way to the final, in which they beat mighty Brazil. The French team had another tradition during the tournament: listening to the Gloria Gaynor song ‘I Will Survive’ in the dressing room.

Incest and spiritual sacrifice: The shocking story of Shiva N’Zigou

A former Ligue 1 footballer has claimed his mother was killed in a “spiritual sacrifice” in order to further his football career.

Shiva N’Zigou was a striker who played for both Nantes and Reims in the French top flight between 2001 and 2010.

In an amazing confessional given at a church his homeland, the former Gabon international also claims he lied about his age and had sexual relations with his aunt and his sister.

According to N’Zigou, his father murdered his mother in a ritual killing so that his son could keep all the money he earned from football to himself.

N’Zigou also says his parents doctored his passport at the beginning of his career to make him five years younger. Until now it was believed he was 34, but it seems he is really closer to 39.

In the year 2000, N’Zigou became the youngest player to score at the African Cup of Nations when he netted for Gabon in a 3-1 defeat to South Africa at the age of 16 years and 93 days. However, this recent revelation means he would actually have been 21 at the time.

N’Zigou reveals some shocking details about his personal life.

“I had [sexual] relations with my aunt,” he says.

“These relations happened again with my sister. I slept with my sister.

“I slept with a man. And I had another long-term relationship also with a man.”

This isn’t the first time a footballer has been linked with the extremely murky world of ritual killings.

In 2014, former Rennes and Sunderland striker Asamoah Gyan was forced to deny rumours he had been involved in the sacrificial murder of his friend, Ghanaian rapper Castro.

At this juncture, let’s review some observable facts in sports that has spiritual connotations.

Prayer

Javier Hernandez a.k.a ‘Chicharito’ is one player who says a prayer before a game kick off, the ritual has been the same before every game. In his previous team, he was not playing regularly and he got frustrated. His confidence as a player was dropping every time he was selected to play. This situation got a point of him quitting football. He finally got his chance and he took it. So he always goes on his knees to say a prayer to God for helping him become a success. This shows his belief in divine authority.

Lionel Messi is one player seen often raising his hands and looking at the sky during his goal celebrations. In an interview, he said “I am doing this because I dedicate my goals to grandmother. She took me to football but now she cants see how far I have come. Nevertheless, she continues to help and my family”. This shows that it is not only Africans who believe in life after death, the whites also do.

Ricardo Kaka is another football player who believes that his technical ability is a God-given gift. He says that he has perfected the gift God gave him and that is why he plays well. His belief in God is observed in his goal celebration and at times wearing t-shirts under his jersey with religious inscriptions.

Ritual activity and superstitions

Superstitions are commonplace in football. Plenty of players, coaches and fans strive to achieve some kind of spiritual sanctuary before a game by performing various rituals.

Giovanni Trapattoni, an Italian coach who considered the most successful in Serie A is deeply superstitious and used to take holy water to matches when he was boss of the national team. The holy water was provided by his sister, who just happened to be a nun (roman sister).

Raymond Domenech, a former France national team coach would consult the horoscopes before making his team selection. Players even claimed to have been dropped because alignment of the stars was against them.

Winfried Schaffer, coach of Cameroon national team during the 2002 African Cup of Nations in Mali was arrested along with his assistant Thomas Nkono for trying to place a voodoo charm on the pitch before the game.

Tony Sylva, a Senegalese goalkeeper was accused of hiring a witch doctor to smear his goal posts magic ointment. After the alleged treatment, Sylva went 448 minutes without considering a goal.

In Ghana, fans and supporters of the two biggest clubs always seek for supernatural powers for intervention or favours when they meet in a match. The winner of the match mostly attributes it to their spiritual fathers or fetish priest and priestess over the abilities of their managers or players.

Kotoko-Hearts clashes

Superstition and juju over the years have played a major role in the biggest fixture in Ghana football

Although some may disagree that superstition has no role to play in football, ardent followers and players of Ghana Premier League clubs Accra Hearts of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko know it takes more than just playing to win.

Sometimes the rule of form guide is defied because football is not just the physical play.

Here is a recount of some of the Hearts of Oak versus Asante Kotoko matches that were dominated by juju and superstition.

1984 – Sunday, 23rd December 1984

Asante Kotoko suffered a 0-2 defeat at the hands of Hearts of Oak in Accra in 1984. The Porcupine Warriors went down 0-2 in the first half through goals from OfeiAnsah in the 3rd minute and George Lamptey in the 5th minute.

During the break, something bizarre happened: Asante Kotoko returned from the dressing room having changed from their red jersey into white for the second half.

According to the reports, a juju man told them to change their jersey because the white jersey was going to turn things around for them. However, it was mission impossible as they failed to stage a comeback in the second half.

1989 – 31st December 1989 (League game Cum 31st Revolution Cup Match)

Hearts of Oak 2-2 Asante Kotoko (6-7penalties)

The Ghana Football Association (GFA) introduced penalty shootouts to decide a winner whenever a game ended in a draw in the 1989-1990 season.

Hearts of Oak were held to a two-all draw at the Accra Sports Stadium by Asante Kotoko with the Porcupine Warriors subsequently winning 6-7 in the penalty shootout to break the tie.

Sarfo Gyamfi nicknamed the Black President, a key member of the Asante Kotoko team was told by a juju man that two different balls will be used for the game- a ‘blue and black’ ball and a ‘white and blue Adidas’ ball.

According to the juju man, the black and white ball will favour Asante Kotoko, whereas the blue and white ball will be to the advantage of the Phobians.

Sarfo Gyamfi and Mohammed Odoom, who kept the post for Kotoko, fashioned a covert plan: whenever a blue and white ball was introduced they resolved to deflate it with a needle they hid in Odoom’s gloves.

Interestingly, Kotoko got their two goals through the black and white ball and conceded the two goals from the blue and white ball.

Odoom, meanwhile, was ruthless: he deflated the blue and white balls whenever it was in play.

The ball that was eventually used for the penalty shootout was a black and white Adidas ball. Asante Kotoko won 7-6 to take two points and the trophy at stake, while Hearts of Oak got a point for drawing in regulation time.

Also, because it was an anniversary game to commemorate the December 31, 1981 coup d’etat that brought the then incumbent military government into power, the Head of State, Flt Lt Jerry John Rawlings, led the delegation to inspect both teams before kickoff.

Sarfo Gyamfi, however, snubbed a handshake from Rawlings because apparently, the juju man had told him Kotoko would lose should all the players exchange a handshake with the Head of State.

The ‘Black President’, as Gyamfi was nicknamed, was suspended for some games for snubbing Ghana’s leader, but it was later rescinded.

1998 – Hearts 1-1 Kotoko (7-6 penalties)

This game was a June 4 Cup match (June 4, 1979 was the date on which Flt Lt Jerry John Rawlings staged his first coup d’etat, bringing into power the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council – AFRC – that replaced the Supreme Military Council II government of General F.W.K Akuffo).

Both Kotoko and Hearts had been hinted by spiritualists after they went for consultations that the results won’t go in their favour if they start with eleven men on the field.

So they both started the game with ten men – before Lawrence Amankwa and Jacob Nettey came on for Asante Kotoko and Hearts of Oak respectively. The match ended 1-1 and Hearts of Oak won 7-6 in the penalty shootout to break the tie.

31st August 2003 (Hearts 1-1 Kotoko)

Asante Kotoko, afraid of being hypnotized under a presumed Hearts of Oak spell came to the stadium in bits and pieces.

When they finally assembled in the dressing room, they used the tartan tracks briefly for the warm-up and only went onto the pitch after their opponents had done so.

The game itself was also full of drama, as Hearts of Oak scored the opener through Bernard Dong Bortey with YusifAlhassanChibsah firing the equalizer which created much controversy.

Chibsah shot the ball in after goalkeeper Eben Dida who was brought down was cruelly forced to spill the ball in the six-yard box.

The decision angered the home fans who resorted to hurling bagged water and other missiles at the match official and players.

2005 – Asante Kotoko (1-1 Hearts of Oak)

The final of the 2004 CAF Confederation Cup which was played in February 2005 is believed to have had some superstitious acts.

Accra Hearts of Oak who won on penalties after the game ended in a 1-1 draw claimed they used the hair of the Asante Kotoko coach Hans Dietar Schmidt to perform some rituals.

It was amazing on the day that Charles Taylor, who was the most exciting player of the Porcupine Warriors, was taken out by the German at a time they were leading 1-0 against Hearts of Oak.

A group of Hearts of Oak fans later came out to ‘confess’ that they masterminded their side’s victory by collecting Dietar Schmidt’s hair from the saloon he usually has his hair done and that influenced his decision to substitute Charles Taylor.

2005 – (Hearts 1-1 Kotoko)

Events from the start of the match set up the tone for an uncompromising game as both teams decided not to come into the stadium in their respective team buses but rather preferred to walk into the stadium.

More was to come when after the usual warm up, both sides appeared in the tunnel dressed in all-white jerseys resulting in a lot of deliberations between officials of the teams.

Kick-off was held up for more than one hour 10 minutes.

After sanity prevailed, Hearts players went to the field of play in a strip of green jerseys.

Another piece of drama occurred that delayed the match further as Kotoko had to change their white socks to yellow as it clashed with the colours of Hearts of Oak.

All these happenings took place because both sides had consulted some juju men concerning their fate and they were advised to go through those exercises if they wanted to avoid a defeat.

2012 (Kotoko 2-1 Hearts)

Dr. K.K Sarpong, who was unknown in the football circles until he took over the Asante Kotoko job as the Executive Chairman of the club in 2011 was advised to seek spiritual backing from a juju man if he wanted to be famous among the Kotoko fraternity.

Various accounts claim he was introduced to a spiritualist at Nkoranza in the BrongAhafo Region and in Kotoko’s home game against Hearts of Oak, the Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) allegedly had to harbour a female fetish priest in his house to chant to ensure Kotoko won the game.

Asante Kotoko scored first before Mahatma Otoo drew Hearts of Oak level. K.K Sarpong who was troubled with the outcome was forced to place a call to the fetish priest.

The priest told the Executive Chairman of the club that he shouldn’t worry because Kotoko was going to carry the day.

Michael Akuffo’s stunner from long range in added time won the Kumasi giants all the three points, bringing relief to Sarpong.

(19 March, 2017) Hearts Pip Kotoko 1-0 in Top League Clash…

Vincent Atinga became the hero as he ensured that the Porcupine Warriors’ unbeaten run in the Super Clash was halted with a late penalty

Hearts of Oak defeated rivals Asante Kotoko 1-0 in matchday eight of the Ghana Premier League at the Accra Sports Stadium.

Defender Vincent Atinga slotted in a late penalty for the hosts after Ahmed Adams handled the ball in Kotoko’s box.

Kumasi Asante Kotoko marched to the pitch walking backwards, which was awkward after Hearts coach Frank Nuttal has entered to stir the supporters into battle spirit, but it was Kotoko coach Croatian ZdravkoLugarusic who receive the loudest cheers when he also waved the reds.

Hearts won the toss and the fabulous lads kicked off in grand fashion, but before the clock could start clicking, Hearts player kept falling on the pitch as if they were not fit or hypnotized, as all clashes between the two sides are characterized by juju or some mystic forces.

Fans of Kumasi Asante Kotoko may still be cursing Referee Samuel Suker for blowing a doubtful penalty against them to break the eight-year jinx of Accra Hearts of Oak not winning at the Accra Sports Stadium.

Leicester City 2015-16 EPL Win

Leicester City won their first Premier League title in the 2015-16 season; owner Vichai Srivaddhanaprabha has sought spiritual guidance since buying Leicester City.

The reburial of Richard III – which took place in March 2015 which coincided with the team’s dramatic rise from the relegation zone, but in Thailand, the home of the club’s owners, there’s a belief that one of the sports’ most unlikely triumphs has more to do with spirituality.

Buddhist monks in Thailand believe they helped the team’s remarkable run. Over the last three years, Buddhist monks have been visiting the club to bless the pitch, bestow special sacred cloths on the players and spread karma.

Chief Monk PhraPrommangkalachan is in little doubt that his unseen powers are propelled Leicester’s unforeseen rise.

Also in Rwanda during a football championship in 2016, Rayon Sports and Mukura sport met and during the last minute in the first half, Musa Camara who was the striker of the losing side, Rayon sport, decided to help his team by resorting to magic.

He went into the goalposts of his opponent and planted something in the ground at the left post and quickly ran away.

At the very beginning of the second half, the same player, Musa Camara scored a goal and tied up the match.

JUJU IN GHANA

In Ghana, the use of juju in matches is a commonplace, but the practice is deeply steeped in secrecy.

Clubs like Accra Hearts of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko, Gullivers of the Ghanaian game, have occasionally used undesignated entry points to the stadium and got punished for the offence.

The two clubs might have been told by whoever they consulted that using the approved entry points signified a calamitous result. And, they dared not disobey.

In the words of former Ghana coach, BurkhardZiese: “Club officials in Ghana draw a lot of money from teams under the pretext of paying a juju man but end up pocketing it “.

Perhaps, that explains why owner of Ghanaian premiership side, Tema Real Sportive, Y.A. Ibrahim, recently called on the Professional League Board (PLB) and the Ghana Football Association (GFA) to, as a matter of urgency deal severely with juju men in the premiership.

“Football games are supposed to be won on merit on the field and not by evil spirits,” he said, adding that when the situation was not controlled, a time would come when the results of matches in the country’s football will be determined by soothsayers.

As far as football is concerned, win, draw or lose is unavoidable. Surprisingly when European teams are not faring well, fans of these teams take it as normal but when it comes to their local clubs failing to perform above their expectations, they turn around to attribute their team’s abysmal performance to a spiritual problem.

The likes of Real Tamale, Gbeewa United, Susubribi, Fankoba, Kpando Heart of Lions, Ho Voradep, Hasacas, Eleven Wise are teams that wouldn’t have been relegated if indeed Juju is real. Also, India and Benin would have dominated the world football easily without any difficulty all because people who seek for supernatural powers normally go to these places to empower themselves.

In the late ’70s players of Glorious Accra Hearts Of Oak failed to score a goal against their Guinean counte

A hundred years on and I see you, ICU

CLR James, the great Caribbean intellectual, published two books in 1938. The first, The Black Jacobins, is an account of the Haitian Revolution that is now widely considered a classic.
The second, A History of Negro Revolt, is less well known.
It looks at black struggles for freedom in Africa, the Caribbean and the United States from 1739 to early 1938. It includes a section on the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) in South Africa.

James wrote: “It will be difficult to overestimate what [was] … achieved between 1919 and 1926 … The real parallel to this movement is the mass uprising in San Domingo. There is the same instinctive capacity for organisation, the same throwing-up of gifted leaders from among the masses.”

The ICU was formed in Cape Town in 1919 and, although we are in the year of its centenary, it is an anniversary that has been met mostly with silence. In a time in which the response to the increasingly icy winds of global capitalism is often that of national chauvinism, the history of the ICU offers a window into a very different kind of political imagination.

Clements Kadalie arrived in Cape Town in 1918 from Nyasaland [now Malawi], where he was born and educated in a mission school, via Rhodesia [now Zimbabwe], where he had worked as a mine clerk. In his autobiography he wrote that it was “the systemic torture of the African people in Southern Rhodesia that kindled the spirit of revolt in me”.

While walking down Darling Street on a Saturday afternoon, he was pushed off the pavement and then assaulted by a white police officer. A white socialist intervened; the two got talking and decided that the moment was ripe for political action. They called a public meeting in Buitengracht Street on January 17 1919 to discuss working conditions on the docks and the ICU was formed with 24 members.

The new organisation drew from syndicalist ideas, the enthusiasm for the Russian Revolution that had rushed around the colonial world and — through the Caribbean workers on the docks — Garveyist ideas.

By December that year, the union was able to call a strike that shut down the docks for three weeks. The following year, Alex la Guma opened an ICU branch in the coastal town of Lüderitz, in South West Africa (now Namibia).

The ICU rapidly developed into a mass movement with support from workers, peasants, squatters and intellectuals across Southern Africa, without regard for colonial borders. Its leaders included people from different countries in the region, and the Caribbean.

At a time when women couldn’t join the South African Native National Council — the forerunner of the ANC — as full members, it is striking that one of the central aims of the ICU was to take a position in favour of equal pay for men and women and to “see that all females in industries and domestic services are protected by the organisation, by encouraging them to enrol in all branches of the union and to help them obtain a living wage”.

In Port Elizabeth in 1920, Samuel Masabala tried to organise a general strike. He was arrested at a mass meeting held in Korsten on October  23. A crowd of 3 000 gathered to demand his release and tried to storm the police station. Twenty-four people were shot dead and another eight were wounded.

After the killings, shop workers in Port Elizabeth slipped pamphlets into boxes of goods moving into the rural areas and within a month, farm workers in the Orange Free State had heard of the riot and were threatening their bosses. There was a growing panic among white people about the “red flag people” and calls to raise commandos. In 1924, presaging things to come, Masabala was dismissed by the ICU for financial irregularities.

In 1925 a branch of the ICU was opened in Durban. AWG Champion soon assumed control. Champion had been expelled from Lovedale, a highly regarded mission school, for hoisting the red flag and organising pupils in a militant protest against the school’s disciplinary regime that concluded with the stoning of the principal.

He did not always separate his own finances from that of the organisation, but he was a charismatic and effective organiser. Within 18 months of his arrival in Durban the local ICU employed 58 secretaries, clerks and organisers.

The ICU expanded into rural areas at a rapid rate and 21 village branches were opened in Natal in three months in 1927. By that year the Durban branch claimed 27 000 paid-up members, an astonishing number given that there were about 35 000 to 40 000 Africans in the city.

Rapid growth was not unique to Durban. Between 1927 and 1928 the movement spread with the velocity of Mao’s prairie fire and branches were lit up in villages around the country. Estimates of its national membership at this point range from 100 000 to 250 000. Its politics often took on a millenarian form, sometimes awaiting the arrival of armed African-Americans as liberators.

In Durban, the ICU largely built its extraordinary mass support by an astute use of the courts. Its legal successes included lifting the curfew on African people; gaining an exemption for black women from carrying night passes; ending the power of the police to make arbitrary arrests of African people; ending character references in passbooks; ending prohibitions on Africans trading in the city; and, most famously, ending the system by which African people were dipped, like cattle, in tanks of disinfectant on arrival in the city.

But, at the end of 1928, Champion was suspended pending an investigation into claims of financial irregularities. Most of the Natal branches followed Champion when he left the national ICU to form a breakaway faction (ICU yase Natal). It was vigorously opposed by the Zulu monarchy and the sugar barons.

The new movement explicitly opposed itself to the elite politics of the ANC, which it derided as “amarespectables” and whose meetings it sometimes forcibly closed. It ran night schools; staged music and dance performances; held large marches; continued to make innovative use of the courts; and spoke in many churches, becoming what liberation theology would later call a “prophetic voice” in these churches.

In 1929, women began to organise against municipal canteens and for the right to brew beer in towns across Natal. Raids on domestic brewers had been relentless, violent and destructive, often involving theft and harassment. In November that year, the protests reached Durban. The ICU quickly responded with two large marches from the ICU Hall at 117 Prince Edward Street — the first was headed by a brass band, a man in a kilt and flag bearers carrying the Union Jack and a red flag with a hammer and sickle.

In June, the dockworkers — who were housed together and well able to mobilise swiftly and effectively — declared a boycott of the beer halls.

Champion was initially hostile to the idea but, in the end, had to lend his support, as did Josiah Gumede, the ANC president. Gumede had visited Moscow in 1927 for the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution. At an ICU meeting at Cartwright’s Flats, Gumede declared: “The ICU has taken the place of the Congress absolutely in Natal and that shows that the officers of the Congress were wrong to think that they could think for other people … Now let us combine and take our freedom …”

On June 17, all five of the Durban beer halls were picketed by the dock workers and a white motorist was killed. A mob of white people rushed to the ICU Hall to exact vengeance.

Paul la Hausse gives a concise account of events: “White ‘vigilantes’ laid siege to the ICU Hall and, by evening, close on two thousand white civilians, from every class, and three hundred and fifty policemen faced six thousand stick-wielding African workers. These Africans had poured from every quarter of town to relieve the beleaguered men, women and children in the hall and in the ensuing clashes one hundred and twenty people were injured and eight mortally wounded.”

In the end the “vigilantes” destroyed the ICU Hall, along with the instruments of its famous brass band. In September 1930, Champion was banished from Natal for three years.

The political initiative shifted to the Communist Party of South Africa which, amid opposition from the ICU leadership, organised a mass pass-burning by workers on December  16 1930. It was led by Johannes Nkosi, a leader of the dockworkers. More than 2 000 passes were handed in to be burnt before the police shot and killed Nkosi on the platform. The protesters fought back and two others were killed.

The communist party went underground. By 1931 the ICU was a spent force in South Africa, although various offshoots continued for the next 30 years and it continued to flourish in Rhodesia until the 1950s.

We could say, with Rosa Luxemburg, that: “The most precious, because lasting, thing in the rapid ebb and flow of the wave [of struggle] is its mental sediment.”

Jason Jingoes, a much-arrested ICU leader, captured the essence of that sediment in an interview in March 1927: “Although its initials [ICU] stood for a fancy title, to us Bantu it meant basically: when you ill-treat the African people, I See You. I see you when you do not protect the Bantu; when an African woman with her child on her back is knocked down by the cars in the street, I see you; I see you when you kick my brother, I see you.”

Richard Pithouse is an associate professor at the Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research

Nicaraguans “Will Not Be Silenced”

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Active Citizens

A year since Nicaragua spiralled into a socio-political crisis, human rights leaders have called on the country to refrain from violence and uphold the human rights of its citizens. Credit: Eddy López/IPS

UNITED NATIONS, Apr 17 2019 (IPS) – A year since Nicaragua spiralled into a socio-political crisis, human rights leaders have called on the country to refrain from violence and uphold the human rights of its citizens.


In light of blatant, persistent human rights violations, United Nations agencies and human rights groups have urged the Nicaraguan government to halt its brutal crackdown on its citizens.

“Throughout the last year, the government of President Ortega has brutally and repeatedly repressed anyone who dares to stand up to his administration. The Nicaraguan authorities continue to violate the rights to justice, truth and reparation of hundreds of victims, while also preventing civil society organisations and international human rights monitors from working freely in the country,” said Amnesty International’s Americas Director Erika Guevara-Rosas.

“This has got to stop,” she added.

“Violations…coupled with the lack of accountability for unlawful excesses by members of the security forces, have stoked rather than reduced the tensions in the country,” said High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet.

After thousands took to the streets to protest controversial social security reforms in April 2018, demonstrations were quickly met with violence by state security forces and pro-pro-government armed groups.

According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, over 300 people have been killed, more than 2,000 injured, and 2,000 arrested.

The Central American country has also since banned all protest and censored media in order to prevent any government criticism.

In December, Nicaraguan police raided TV station 100% Noticias and arrested station director Miguel Mora and news director Lucia Pineda Ubau, both of whom are being held on charges of “inciting hate and violence.”

At least 300 others, including human rights defenders, face charges of terrorism.

The High Commissioner particularly expressed concern over reports of torture and ill-treatment of detainees, including recent reports of authorities beating and using dogs and tear gas on detained protestors in La Modelo prison.

Government police and shock troops besiege a protest by medical students trying to organise on Sept. 12 in the city of León, 90 km west of Managua. Credit: Eddy López/IPS

As major protests are expected to mark the anniversary of the start of the crisis later this week, many fear another violent reaction.

The targeting of dissidents and protestors have prompted a massive exodus as an estimated 60,000 people have fled to neighbouring countries, including Costa Rica.

Among those seeking asylum are students, opposition figures, journalists, doctors, human rights defenders and farmers.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), many families are taking extreme measures to cross the border after being persecuted or receiving threats making it “overwhelmingly a refugee flow.”

After several attempted attacks and being informed that he was wanted “dead or alive,” Manuel left his banana plantations and fled to Costa Rica with his pregnant wife Andrea and their two children.

“We lived with the anxiety of not knowing when they would break into the house to get us…I’m sure if I go home they will hurt me,” Manuel told UNHCR.

Taking great lengths to avoid police, Manuel took a small boat along the Pacific Coast while Andrea walked through a back route of muddy fields with the children.

While they are now safe in the neighbouring country, Manuel and Andrea’s children are still haunted by their last days in Nicaragua where they were hunted by gun-carrying men in uniform.

“My youngest son hugs me every time he sees the Costa Rican police because they look like the officials who attacked us. He hugs me and says that he takes care of his daddy,” Manuel said.

While the Nicaraguan government and the opposition Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy negotiated two pacts, including one on the release of detained protestors, the agreements have still yet to be implemented in its entirety and further negotiations have stalled.

“The fact that the negotiations have come to a standstill and the Government is not honouring the agreements reached so far, is undermining the possibility of establishing a genuine inclusive dialogue to solve the serious social, political and human rights crisis facing the country,” Bachelet said.

“A solution to the crisis must address the institutional flaws and strengthen the rule of law…it is of paramount importance that a thorough and transparent accountability process is established to ensure justice, truth and reparations, as well as a clear guarantee of non-repetition,” she added, highlighting the need to put victims of human rights violations at the heart of negotiations.

Guevara-Rosas urged the government to respect the public’s rights including the right to assembly, stating: “The Nicaraguan government must put an immediate end to its strategy of repression and release all the students, activists and journalists detained solely for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly….the brave people of Nicaragua will not be silenced.”

 

Why the Prosecution of Julian Assange is Troubling for Press Freedom

Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Democracy, Featured, Global, Headlines, Human Rights, Press Freedom, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Alex Ellerbeck* is North America Program Coordinator at the Committee to Protect Journalists & Avi Asher-Schapiro* is North America Research Associate

NEW YORK, Apr 16 2019 (IPS) – After a seven-year standoff at the Ecuadorean embassy in London, British police last week arrested WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange–a development press freedom advocates had long feared.


For years, journalists and press freedom advocates worried the U.S. would prosecute Assange under the Espionage Act for the publication of classified information, a scenario that potentially would have set a devastating legal precedent for U.S. news organizations that regularly publish such material.

During the Obama administration, officials ultimately said they would not prosecute because of the possible consequences for press freedom.

It was unclear whether the Trump administration would have the same compunction: while Trump praised WikiLeaks, then-CIA Director Mike Pompeo labeled it a “non-state hostile intelligence service.”

Trump has shown little concern for freedom of the press, once allegedly urging then-FBI Director James Comey to jail journalists. (In response to news of Assange’s arrest, Trump said he would leave it to the Justice Department).

In this context, the charge on which Assange was arrested seemed modest: A single count of conspiracy (with former Army Pfc. Chelsea Manning) to “commit computer intrusion” under the U.S. Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, with a maximum penalty of five years.

Unlike the publication of classified information, hacking computers is not a tool for reporters. Some journalists were quick to point out this out.

“[The] charge here is attempting to help crack a password to steal classified material. Didn’t work but would news orgs do that? (Not in my experience.),” said Greg Miller, a national security reporter at The Washington Post, said on Twitter.

But press freedom advocates, and some journalists, have not expressed relief based on the indictment. A host of organizations, including CPJ, spoke out against the prosecution. Here’s why:

(1) The indictment is flimsy and could simply be a pretext to punish Assange for publishing classified information.

The diplomatic time and resources expended between three countries to detain Assange strikes some observers as disproportionate to the single computer misuse charge.

The indictment is vague about the exact nature of the aid Assange allegedly provided Manning in the course of their interaction, but it does not appear that Assange successfully hacked any password.

Even if his attempts were successful, they would have helped Manning cover her tracks, but not let her break into a system to which she didn’t already have access.

Prosecutors have wide range of latitude; it’s worth remembering that the Obama administration likely had all the same information, but declined to pursue an indictment.

Matthew Miller, a former Justice Department spokesperson in the Obama administration, told The New York Times that he thought the charge was justified but “This is not the world’s strongest case.”

So, is it just a pretext on the part of the U.S. government to punish Assange for the publication of classified information — a practice that should be constitutionally protected? The issue comes in a time of heightened concern for investigative journalists and national security reporters.

Since the September 11 attacks, the government has increasingly classified large amounts of material and punished those who share it with the press. CPJ has written extensively about the chilling effect of this crackdown on reporting in the public interest.

“Given the nature of the charge — a discussion 9 years ago about an unsuccessful attempt to figure out a password — I think it’s fair to debate whether this is a fig leaf for the government punishing someone for publishing stuff it doesn’t want published,” tweeted Scott Shane, a national security reporter for The New York Times.

“If it wasn’t Julian Assange, it would be very unlikely you’d see this prosecution,” Cindy Cohn, executive director of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, told CPJ. “This is what over-broad discretion in prosecution does, it gives them a pretext for going after people they don’t like.”

(2) The charge could be a placeholder, with more to come.

Another reason why the charge may seem so modest: It could be the first of several. Last week, CNN cited U.S. officials promising additional charges against Assange. The press freedom implications of any future charges could be significant–especially if they involve the Espionage Act.

“It may be part of a larger case,” Ben Wizner the director of the American Civil Liberties Union, told CPJ. The current indictment already cites the Espionage Act and describes the cracking of a password as part of a conspiracy to violate it.

The DOJ’s legal strategy could be to pile on more charges after Assange is extradited. The extradition treaty between the U.S. and the U.K. says an individual can only be charged for the “offense for which extradition was granted” or similar offenses, but it also stipulates how governments can waive this rule.

Assange has an extradition hearing on May 2, which gives the U.S. government time to develop new charges.

(3) The language of the case seems to criminalize normal journalistic activities.

While the charge against Assange relates to the alleged conspiracy to hack a password, the language of the indictment sweeps in a broad range of legally protected and common journalistic activity.

Count 20 of the indictment states, “It was part of the conspiracy that Assange encouraged Manning to provide information and records from departments and agencies of the United States.”

The indictment goes on to characterize a number of journalistic practices as part of a criminal conspiracy, including use of a secure message service, use of a cloud-based drop box, and efforts to cover Manning’s tracks.

The cultivation of sources and the use of encryption and other means to protect those sources are essential to investigative journalism. While the government may include these details to show intent or to describe the means and context for the alleged criminal action, they seem to go beyond what is necessary.

Barton Gellman, who led The Washington Post’s Pulitzer Prize-winning reporting on the Snowden documents, told CPJ, “If asking questions and protecting a source are cast as circumstantial evidence of guilt, we’ll be crossing a dangerous line.”

“A lot of the way the crime is described here could be applied to other journalists,” Wizner, at the ACLU, told CPJ. “If the government wanted to just target the attempted intrusion, they could have written a very different complaint.”

(4) The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act is incredibly broad.

In all of the concern over the Espionage Act, journalists may not have sufficiently raised alarm over the law under which the U.S. charged Assange: the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA). “Thinking we should breathe a sigh of relief because it was the CFAA instead of the Espionage act is premature.” Cohn, of Electronic Frontier Foundation, told CPJ.

The CFAA carries its own set of free expression issues. While it encompasses clearly illegal behavior like hacking, it also criminalizes “unauthorized access to a computer.”

Manning was prosecuted under the CFAA in addition to the Espionage Act, but prosecuting a publisher under the under the CFAA for conspiracy in obtaining the classified information could potentially create a dangerous legal model.

While reporters do not conspire to decrypt passwords, they are often aware of, and might actively discuss with sources, activities that could fall under the broad frame of “unauthorized access.”

As the Cato Institute’s Julian Sanchez wrote on Twitter, “The way ‘helping to hack’ is being charged is as a conspiracy to violate 18 USC §1030 (a)(1) [of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act]. And good reporters conspire with their sources to do that constantly.”

“For almost every reporter working with a source, the source is providing information in digital form. Anyone who is working with a source who obtained that info in a way that they weren’t supposed to has a CFAA risk,” Cohn said.

She added that any journalists who don’t think there are broader press freedom implications to the Assange prosecution are “whistling past the graveyard.”

(5) Ecuador’s withdrawal of asylum raises questions.

Assange’s arrest came after Ecuador withdrew his asylum protection. In a tweet on April 11, Ecuadorean President Lenin Moreno said the decision came after Assange’s “repeated violations to international conventions and daily-life protocols.”

In a video statement accompanying the tweet, he cited Assange’s repeated “intervening in the internal affairs of other states” via WikiLeaks publications.

Ecuador had previously restricted Assange’s access to the internet based on allegations that he was interfering in U.S. elections and in the referendum for Catalan independence from Spain.

While Assange’s unusual presence in a diplomatic mission created tensions–both inside the embassy and in Ecuador’s broader international relations–withdrawing asylum is an extreme measure, and one that could have troubling implications if it was done in response to publishing.

*Alexandra Ellerbeck, CPJ’s North America program coordinator, previously worked at Freedom House and was a Fulbright teaching fellow at the State University of Pará in Brazil. She has lived in Chile, Bolivia, and Brazil.

*Asher-Schapiro is CPJ’s research associate for North America. He is a former staffer at VICE News, International Business Times, and Tribune Media, and an independent investigative reporter who has published in outlets including The Atlantic, The Intercept, and The New York Times.

 

Q&A: Achieving “Togetherness”

Active Citizens, Civil Society, Conferences, Featured, Headlines, TerraViva United Nations

Civil Society

This article is part of a series on the current state of civil society organisations (CSOs), which was the focus of International Civil Society Week (ICSW), sponsored by CIVICUS, and which took place in Belgrade, April 8-12.

Thousands of youth gather in Rome on Friday, Mar. 15, to join the climate strike, a global movement that aims to make governments and institutions aware of taking serious steps to implement the Paris Agreements and save the planet. Together First, one of the partners of ICSW, is among the groups urging for a more inclusive, collaborative movement to work towards solutions for all. Credit: Maged Srour/IPS

UNITED NATIONS, Apr 16 2019 (IPS) – Increasingly facing restrictions and assault, civil society from around the world have come together to celebrate and promote people power.


Organised by CIVICUS, International Civil Society Week (ICSW) brought together civil society organisations and activists to discuss the threats and challenges that they face in a world where arbitrary detention, censorship, and exclusion have sadly become the norm.

Together First, one of the partners of ICSW, is among the groups urging for a more inclusive, collaborative movement to work towards solutions for all.

IPS spoke to Giovanna Marques Kuele, non-resident research fellow at Igarapé Institute (Brazil) and a member of Together First’s informal steering group, about the importance of civil society and working together.

Giovanna Marques Kuele, non-resident research fellow at Igarapé Institute (Brazil) and a member of Together First’s informal steering group speaks to IPS about the importance of civil society and working together.

Inter Press Service (IPS): How important is the protection and inclusion of civil society and human rights defenders to you and the global system as a whole?

Giovanna Marques Kuele (GMK): The protection and inclusion of civil society and human rights defenders are essential. While young people are raising their voices to demand inclusion for change, human rights defenders are under attack across the globe, including in my home country Brazil.

During the Civil Society Summit—which took place on the first day of ICSW—Together First endorsed the “The Belgrade Call to Action,” which calls on United Nations member states to take concrete urgent action against the shrinking space for civil society and the increasing reprisals against human rights defenders. Together First relies on the protection of civic space because we—civil society together—are the voices and agents of change that can push for the actions we sorely need to avert existential risks such as climate change.

For us, multilateralism is about more than states. It is about people and organisations working together to achieve a common goal. We at Together First believe that we can no longer rely on the turgid rate of progress by world leaders. Instead, we need to raise our voices and say: we can and must do better. And so we are building a movement that is truly global and meaningfully inclusive. During the ICSW, as a small first step, I met with youngsters who work at grassroots organisations to make sure we find ways to echo their voices, as decisions and actions taken in distance places, like city capitals and New York, can affect their daily lives.

IPS: What are the biggest challenges faced by civil society and human rights defenders today?

GMK: Like many of our colleagues at the ICSW meeting, Together First believes that multilateralism is under threat at a time when we need it more than ever. Global risks such as climate change and weapons proliferation need a collective response. These risks can be grouped into three sets: the ones great powers have not wanted to address (e.g. climate change), the risks insufficiently understood by politicians (e.g. new technologies), and the risks considered too difficult (e.g. the glaring deficit in cyber governance). These risks need collective action. But many governments are overwhelmed. Some are turning inwards, becoming more fiercely nationalist. As a result, the UN—already overstretched and underfunded—is now facing further cuts and struggling to deliver in this difficult environment.

IPS: As a multi-stakeholder group, how does Together First work with and mobilise civil society?

GMK: Together First seeks to build a global people’s movement for a people-centred multilateralism. Together, we want to identify and call for transformative next steps – the most important changes we can make now to address global risks. We also want to raise our level of ambition. The challenges we face are vast and complex; we must demand more than the current glacial pace of change.

Ultimately, we know that if we want to build the effective global governance system we so badly need, we cannot rely on world leaders alone. We must open up the conversation so that, in turn, we can make the system itself transparent and inclusive, where stakeholders play a meaningful role in the decisions and actions that affect their lives.

IPS: What role can the UN play to better promote and protect civil society?

GMK: Together First believes that by harnessing progressive power of civil society and by deploying an innovative and thorough methodology, we can work together to identify feasible and actionable steps to make global governance more effective – and put them into practice.

One of these steps must involve a greater role at the UN for civil society, who are key actors in the policy space and on the ground. What I heard from many people at ICSW is that organisations–as much as they work to achieve SDGs at country level, for instance–do not feel connected to the UN Headquarters, where decisions are ultimately taken. A concrete suggestion is to establish an Envoy for Civil Society—carefully chosen to make sure she or he is able to understand and transmit grassroots concerns to the upper levels.

IPS: As International Civil Society Week comes to a close, what message would you want civil society groups and human rights defenders to take home?

GMK: At ICSW, Together First, with our partners UN2020, made a public call for civil society to share their perspectives and need so we can demand that they are on the table for the UN’s 75th Anniversary in 2020.

Moving forward, it’s essential that our voices are heard at key meetings in the lead up to 2020. On April 23, I will be speaking at an event on building trust in multilateralism organised by the President of the General Assembly and IPI. Please send me your questions and comments via #MultilateralismMatters @TogetherFirst and I will be sure to raise them.

As the theme of this year suggested, ICSW is a testament to the existence of the ‘Power of Togetherness’ – the reality that people and organisations around the world are working together to unlock the potential of collective action. I think the energy of this event showed that we can believe that together it is possible to promote meaningful and inclusive change.

 

Global Governance and Information

Civil Society, Civilisations Find Alliances, Climate Change, Development & Aid, Education, Environment, Featured, Global, Global Governance, Headlines, Human Rights, Natural Resources, Peace, Poverty & SDGs, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Ambassador Walther Lichem* of Austria is President Inter Press Service (IPS).

VIENNA, Apr 16 2019 (IPS) – The past seventy years since the end of the second world war have been marked by profound changes in our international system. Relations between states have become more horizontally structured interactions with a rising significance of the common good articulated and pursued by newly-created international programmes and organisations.


Ambassador Walther Lichem

The international agenda increasingly consists of items addressing internationally and globally-shared challenges of dependencies and interdependencies.

The traditional security and peace focus has been broadened into areas of concern which require contributions and activities not only by states but by international organisations and programmes who jointly with non-state actors such as academic institutions and associations, civil society organisations, the private sector including those who joined the Global Compact, have contributed to a new pattern of leadership in the processes of defining our global goals and in the implementation of the related programmes of action.

Another characterizing element in our Global Agenda related-approach is the inter-sectoral interdependence reflected in the international community’s agenda marked by “AND” – “climate change and international security”, “human rights and societal cohesion” etc.

These agenda—and interrelated-ness—require, however, also institutional integration cutting across the institutional development marked by sectoral segregation. There is a rising need for each agenda sector to be fully up-to-date regarding the entire pattern of global challenges and the related plans of action, using this level of information for the development of institutional integration.

There is also a rising need for information flows between governmental/ intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

The new global agenda benefits from the work and conclusions of academic institutions and programmes, a relationship which regrettably has not yet been fully recognized by the international system.

Many of our important global agenda items based their policy approach on research and academic discourse – e.g. the issue of environmental protection, the concept of sustainability, the process of climate change, the societal development needs and human rights etc.

Another dimension of the pluralisation of global governance affectedness and responsibility is the role of each and every citizen on the globe to know and understand these challenges and assume a rising responsibility in addressing them.

Certain agenda areas, such as environmental protection, the sustainable development and use of our natural resource systems, human rights and human security have given the citizen an almost central role in the achievement of the declared objectives.

Today, every citizen can contribute to the recognition of the dignity of the other and the related human rights. The impact of citizen-focused human rights programmes is visible in human rights cities in all regions of the world. The citizen creating conditions of societal cohesion also essentially contributes to peace and security.

Private sector decisions can make important contributions to both the natural resources related and societal cohesion-related challenges. Academic institutions must adjust their programmes of research and of university education to the global agenda-related challenges.

The cultural sector provides important inputs into the development of values and related behavioural patterns related to the challenges of pluri-identity societies and the integration of otherness.

All these new patterns of responsibility and contributions to achievements for our Global Agenda, however, do require qualified information. It must be recognized that complex academic or policy-process related studies and reports are not accessible to the general citizenship including those in positions of responsibility at local and national levels.

Even governmental institutions and the international diplomatic community cannot internalize all the documents which are to serve as a basis for multilateral negotiations.

The development of this new participatory system of global governance with intergovernmental institutions and processes, national governments and local authorities has led to the recognition of an urgent need for qualified patterns of information which translate challenges, achievements and failures to the political responsibilities at local, national and also international levels, to governmental, inter-governmental and non-governmental institutions who have increasingly shaped our Global Agenda and articulated the rising need for societal understanding and information.

Media are the classical providers of such information combining data with assessments and the vision of our common future. Yet, as analysis of the current situation underlines, there is an urgent need to strengthen qualified information systems which would provide not only governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental institutions and the citizens but also the media with pertinent and needed information.

There is no way into a future of shared global responsibility without a qualified and also ethically committed system of information related to our processes of global change.

There is a need to recognize that such highly pertinent information related to our common future requires recognition and support from the global society as a contribution to our shared global public space.

This implies that support is to be provided from governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental institutions. A respective policy discourse with participation from these institutions is to be envisaged in order to prevent the decay or elimination of qualified programmes like Inter Press Service.

*Walther Lichem, retired Austrian Ambassador with studies in law and oriental archaeology (Univ. of Graz, Austria) and political science (Univ. of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) started his professional career in 1966 at the United Nations Secretariat in New York in the field of international water resources with development cooperation missions to Ethiopia (1971), Argentina (1971-74) and to the Senegal River Development Organisation (1980). He was also Rapporteur on international river basins at the International Conference on Water Law (Caracas, 1976) and at the IVth World Water Conference (Buenos Aires, 1982).
Ambassador Lichem undertook major assignments in the UN system at the Human Rights Summit in Vienna in 1992 and as Ambassador to Chile and to Canada, as a member of the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space and as an adviser to the 16 countries sharing the Guinea Current in West and Central Africa on the creation of a regional organisation.