Shadows of coloniality

In the essays “Geo-spatial Verities” and “Mlozi Bin Kazbadema of Mpata,” Phoya reminds the reader that almost none of the current inhabitants of Malawi are native to the land. He illustrates how the indigenous people were the Akafula, who were displaced by the country’s modern-day tribes, who migrated from other regions of Africa. For example, the waNkhonde came from present-day Cameroon and Congo, the Tumbukas from Tanzania, and Yao from Mozambique, with the Ngonis epitomizing this cross-border composition through their shared origins with the Zulus, the Shanganes in Mozambique, and the Ndebeles in Zimbabwe. Probably the most surprising aspect of this varied history is masked in language, specifically, in names. Phoya shows, for example, how a Malawian name such as Mandala is derived from Mandla while Gomani stems from Ngcamane, highlighting their eSwatini origins. Malawi is, therefore, seemingly a confluence of Africa.

I wonder whether this is one of the reasons Phoya claims “Malawi is a construct—a new one at that.” The country is a collection of people displaced, a refuge that the British drew random borders around. If Malawi is nothing but this, how bizarre would it be for it to smother the freedoms of those also fleeing conflicts and looking for a corner of the world to call home? Unfortunately, following a concerning pattern in Southern Africa, Malawi has also veered into scapegoating refugees for its social and economic problems. It seems states that are failing to deliver sustainable social and economic progress for their people in the face of growing inequalities, deploy the same playbook of redirecting their failures to an “outsider.”

Phoya also touches on another depiction of Malawi’s past that is often ignored: the centrality of the colony in the development of cities. Blantyre is the most glaring example of this. Apart from being named after the birthplace of David Livingstone (more about him later) and being home to the Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital, Phoya mentions how Chipembere Highway (the city’s major road) resulted from “colonial engineering.” It primarily connects Blantyre (a former missionary outpost) to Limbe, a rail station that facilitated the core motive of colonization—the transfer of resources (in this case, tobacco).

Although the book engages with numerous historical figures to varying degrees, I focus on David Livingstone, John Chilembwe, Kamuzu Banda, and Madonna (only because the book is named after the essay on her). Apart from Madonna, these people have had the largest impact on Malawi as we see it today.

Starting with David Livingstone, Phoya stresses that “In the beginning of Malawi, there was a people, an African people mostly. And a lake, and David Livingstone.” Upon witnessing the East African slave trade (and “discovering” Lake Malawi), Livingstone made it his mission to “save” the native Malawian, both spiritually and economically. Following his pleas to British authorities, missionaries began arriving in Malawi, and they were followed by businessmen to introduce commerce—as typified by the African Lakes Company—that would supposedly counter the slave trade.

As in many other colonies, the spread of Christianity,  and the capitalism that accompanied it, came with the stratification of society along racial lines, the mass theft of land, and the shift toward commercialized social and economic relations. Christianity and capitalism walked hand in hand, as Desmond Tutu once aptly remarked: “When the missionaries came to Africa they had the Bible and we had the land. They said ‘Let us pray.’ We closed our eyes. When we opened them we had the Bible and they had the land.”

The economic blueprint that settlers imposed remains a central pillar of contemporary Malawi. The tobacco industry, which was primarily set up to cater to colonial needs is still Malawi’s main export, and the shadow of imperialism is ever-present, as theorized by economists Utsa and Prabhat Patnaik. The racialized social and economic features that followed from David Livingstone’s vision of Malawi, as seen in the emergence of the white settler class that controlled (and exploited) the country’s production processes, set the backdrop for the emergence of John Chilembwe, one of Malawi’s earliest revolutionaries. 

Although Chilembwe is often remembered as the man who staged an unsuccessful revolt against the colonial administration, Phoya shows that there was more to the man. Educated at Virginia Theological College against the backdrop of US Jim Crow, Chilembwe was heavily influenced by the radical black American theological tradition—a theology that did not shy away from the seemingly “political” concerns of social justice. Phoya highlights how these were central to Chilembwe’s progressive principles: his championing of education for Africans, his critique of Malawians participating in British wars, and his support for women’s rights and labor rights.

It is impossible not to see how Chilembwe’s values also mirrored other theologians, especially those of the liberation theology tradition, characterized by its commitment to prioritize the material needs of the poor, as well as their knowledge, experience and spirituality. Seen in this light, Chilembwe’s rebellion is not simply a miscalculated or desperate ploy as it is mostly remembered, but also a reflection of his broader influences, politics, and vision of society. Yet portrayals of Chilembwa still mainly focus on his failed rebellion and perceived role in laying the groundwork for the rule of Kamuzu Banda.

Dubbed the father of the nation, Banda was also a cunning manipulator of history. Phoya points out that Banada exaggerated his achievements such as claiming he was Malawi’s first medical doctor (it was Daniel Malikebu), and reorchestrated the story of Chilembwe, the sole standing memory of resistance against imperialism in Malawi, to situate himself in it. Using his control over the media, he pushed the narrative of a Chilembwe that was nothing more than someone who staged a revolt and prophesied the coming of an eventual savior—Banda himself. This amounted to a pernicious strategy to consolidate his legitimacy against the backdrop of colonization. Thus, the nuances of Chilembwe’s radical character were lost, with only fragments that upheld Banda’s narrative.

I did have a minor concern with the role Phoya says Malawian culture played in the broader process of Banda’s narrative. He points out that the “Malawi culture allowed” Banda to manipulate the story of Chilembwe to suit his agenda. Reading this, one assumes that there is a “uniqueness” to Malawian culture, suggesting it makes Malawians more gullible than other groups of people. It is difficult for me to imagine how Banda’s existing legitimacy and goodwill that came with his symbolic role in fighting against an oppressive colonial system would have been undone by a different culture. It may have been useful (even if anecdotally) to show how exactly the culture was complicit and to point out how different cultures managed this pre/post-independence period differently given their historical, material, and social conditions.

Overall, Phoya’s depiction of Banda (in the context of Chilembwe), lays bare an intriguing contradiction. While Banda relied on Chilembwe’s legacy, it is interesting to see that the two individuals held different beliefs, and by implication, different visions of Malawi. While Banda was cozy with the apartheid government of South Africa and maintained colonial economic structures after independence (settlers being replaced by the local political elite), Chilembwe was a pan-Africanist, vehemently opposed to supporting colonial powers, and a strong advocate for labor rights and land reform.

Banda’s fall from grace in 1993 was meant to usher in a new era of peace, prosperity, and freedom. Unfortunately, his departure coincided with the infamous structural adjustment programs, coupled with the continuing paternalist governance structure, which failed to stymie corruption and significantly reduced the state’s capacity to provide accessible essential services. Phoya illustrates how this epoch is epitomized by the singer Madonna’s relationship with Malawi.

Using Madonna’s establishment of the Mercy James Pediatric Surgery and Intensive Care Unit as a point of entry, Phoya argues that Madonna’s relationship with the country typifies white saviorism. It is important to recognize that Phoya does not downplay the importance of the medical center, but rather questions how Madonna (and other NGOs) perceive themselves in relation to Malawi. More specifically, he illustrates how their work downplays the ability of Malawians to decide what they need and as seen in the name of Madonna’s NGO, Raising Malawi, exaggerates a paternalistic role.

Given the centrality of Madonna to his essay, I would have loved a more detailed discussion and illustrations of the various ways her white saviorism is reflected and reproduced. While the author aptly sets the backdrop for the discussion of Madonna and her relationship with Malawi by highlighting the complicity of the state in the entire process, I believe more could be done to acquaint the reader with the underlying contradictions and implications of white saviors. How does white saviorism manifest in a country like Malawi? What are the implications of such a phenomenon on the broader development of the country?

Overall, the book is a much-needed contribution to the emerging literature reclaiming the history of Malawi. Considering the growing economic and political uncertainty that has engulfed Malawi and its people, Madonna Is Our Mother is a jolting reminder of both the realities of our past and how these set the backdrop for the country’s contemporary predicaments.

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To prevent total collapse, Malawians, Africans must always look at the big picture

By Janet Karim

They kept demanding an answer, so he stood up again and said, “All right, but let the one who has never sinned throw the first stone!” Then he stooped down again and wrote in the dust. When the accusers heard this, they slipped away one by one, beginning with the oldest, until only Jesus was left in the middle of the crowd with the woman. 10 Then Jesus stood up again and said to the woman, “Where are your accusers? Didn’t even one of them condemn you?” 11 “No, Lord,” she said. And Jesus said, “Neither do I. Go and sin no more.” John 8:7-11

When one listens to the news, watches the news or reads postings on social media, one or two things are very clear: things are not working well for Malawi, not working well for Africa, and secondly, there are maneuverers, tinker-tankers. Generally many, especially in Malawi are super angry, super accusatory, and ready to pull the plug or carpet from under the feet of the elected leaders. The situation is that bad; on the other hand, there is widespread poverty, structural “things are not working here anymore,” and the anger is causing an unhealthy disrespectful appetite for disparaging people in authority. In such a frame of mind, it is compelling that Malawians see or look for the big picture in all that is happening in Malawi.

The bigger picture is that not all the evil taking place in Malawi or Africa, is home-grown.

Across the proverbial street  of our existence, are the Brits, Americans, the tall European Union, Russia, and China micromanaging one country after another in the developing countries, the majority of whom (48) are in Africa and includes Malawi. The micromanagers are seen one day speak from the left side of their mouths and the next day speak out of the right side. There are six points that portrays their tendencies, including the following: 1)ACP/EU New Partnership that takes over from ACP/EU Cotonou Agreement; 2) Privatization program; 3) Independence and forest fire development (to keep unwanted systems such as communism; 4) Africans and others in 2 world wars helping imperialists fight imperialist Germany; 5) Division of Africa in Berlin, Europe; and 6) Slavery.

Following the expiry of the Cotonou trade Agreement in 2019, the European Union flexed its muscles and prevailed, displaying to the world manipulative mastery with the January establishment of the stalled New Partnership Agreement. The new EU-ACP Partnership Agreement is the Post-Cotonou Agreement that was signed into being on 15 November 2023 in Samoa. With signatures from 27 European countries and 79 African, Caribbean and Asia Pacific countries, the EU has commandeered a very economic trade agreement of buy and sell  and craftly woven into it numerous items that have nothing to do with trade, nothing to do with economic matters.

The NPA, also known as the Samoa Agreement, is the overarching framework for EU relations with African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and provides terms of agreement that are binding for the next 20 years for an initial period of 20 years. The NPA has evolved into a stronger arm-twisted institution with binding protocols that will compel the 79 ACP nations co-joined at the hip with the 27 European Union, growing into a big block. With the “voting as one” component of the NPA, it will serve as the new legal framework for EU relations with 47 African, 16 Caribbean, and 15 Pacific countries, and the Republic of Maldives.  

The agreement aims to strengthen the capacity of the EU and the ACP countries to address global challenges together and sites six priority areas

It lays down common principles and covers the following six priority areas: democracy and human rights, sustainable economic growth and development, climate change, human and social development, peace and security, and migration and mobility. Nothing about food security, industrialization. And yet, the entity represents around 2 billion people and more than half of the seats at the United Nations. The EU has morphed from 27 to a global 106 giant.

Voila! The big picture: A stronger European Union in the world, rubbing shoulders with its newly diminished partners. TheEU countries are partners from a smaller group (with 27 members) that has robbed 79 independent sovereigns of their right to vote, their right to make decisions, and the small group set agendas for the people that gave them the vote to rule the country. Among the agendas include gay rights, access to contraceptive and abortion rights even for young girls, and sexuality education. OH MALAWI! MY MALAWI! OH AFRICA, MY AFRICA!

It has long been the view of this author that, watching the state players of the Malawi Privatization program, the strategy where the Malawi Government sold all the shares it held in commercial entities, led to the country-wide buying of commercial companies, factories and nation-wide providers of services mostly by non-Malawians. Almost overnight, labor-intensive factories closed, with some uplifting machines, and hurling them across the border and setting up shop in neighboring countries.

During Malawi’s first 31 years of independence, there was forest fire development with the western allies led by the US, the UN and the EU, Canada, Australia, Taiwan, and Israel. From 1964 to 1990, Malawi and other African countries experienced rapid growth, with donor countries falling all over themselves to finance projects in Malawi and Africa.

The big picture: to keep unwanted government systems such as communism and socialism out of Africa and other spheres of NATO influence.

The other big picture is three-pronged. The first is that of Africans and others taking part in two major world wars that helped the imperialist western allies fighting with  imperialist Germany. Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, and surely pan-Africanists saw the irony and used it to gain leaps to gain freedom, voting rights, and independent status for the entire continent and India.

The second was the dividing Africa into countries, in 1884, in Berlin, Germany in Europe, and without a single African present in the room. This is the big picture of how the Allies (Africa’s colonial masters, ergo imperialists) were able to entice, lure, or compel African soldiers to fight in World War I and World War II, wars to stop the spread of imperialism. The big picture: the imperialists are still here commandeering, rib-poking our leaders, shaming them into agreeing to or doing some bizarre thing.

Failure to comply: they have been known to drop information about you, use your own country’s media with dirt stories about leaders, corruption, and other vices.

Regrettably the imperialists have been with us (they never left after African countries became independent. This worked out well for them as many African countries have discovered minerals such as gold, diamonds, uranium, and oil, which have been mined and then ferried to European countries, processed, made billions of dollars selling them, and then turned around to loan African countries money for its development projects.

Lastly in 1619 slave ships took Africans from West Africa and later the East. The big picture here is there is animosity between the African-American and the African-African, due to narratives that fly about African chiefs selling them into slavery. The big picture here is the ability the Europeans appear to have in creating this thereby keeping African Americas separated from Africa-Africans.

These are the optics in the big pictures; thus while you are muse and dream about “we are yet to find someone whom we can call a leader,” I hold with love and respect all the six Malawi leaders and their VPs, they are all great leaders that have ruled Malawi with much love in their hearts for Malawi; leaders that are good-natured, kind-hearted but their legends are marred by foreign intervention.

In Malawi, in a year when the country was hit hard by hurricane Freddie, Malawi was strong-armed by Washington institutions (IMF and World Bank) to devalue its currency by 44%. This is economic murder because in the same year, the EU was hovering over Malawi with threats and coaxing it to sign the emasculating NPA. The big picture: Malawi on the floor with the effects of Freddie, devaluation, and corruption in high places and all over the government sector.

In my memories are pictures of three uncles who fought in World War II, fighting the evil imperialists Germany and Japan. The irony of this big picture is that the colonial rulers that African countries helped to defeat Hitler and Hirohito, are still here, still controlling, still puppeteering, still dividing us, and still causing us to hate or fight one another.

My plea to Malawians is please can we all proverbially hug our leaders; the weight of foreign influence interference is too much. Pray Malawi, Pray!

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16 Best Father Son Movies on Netflix (Feb 2024)

While a father-son relationship sounds like there can only be so much to a traditionally awkward dynamic, films have made it clear that there’s so much more to it than we can comprehend. From being supportive to strict to protective to friendly, a dad’s love for his son shape-shifts into all these based on the requirement. In this list, we bring you father-son movies that transcend their roles and, in the process, uplift the dynamic.

16. Father of the Year (2018)

This comedy movie stars David Spade, Nat Faxon, Joey Bragg, and Matt Shively, directed by Tyler Spindel (Adam Sandler’s nephew). In the movie, we meet two college-going guys/friends who end up inadvertently pinning their dads against one another following a mere chit-chat about whose father would win in a fight. What follows is a string of incidents wherein relationships are compromised, among other serious stuff, and the guys come of age in a surreal manner as a result of fathers’ newly-revealed real identities. You can watch this movie right here.

15. Home Team (2022)

Directed by Daniel Kinnane and Charles Kinnane, ‘Home Team’ is a biographical sports drama showcasing the story of Sean Payton, New Orleans Saints head coach, who, after being suspended from the NFL for a year following the Bountygate scandal, returns to his hometown and decides to coach the Pop Warner 6-th grade football team that his 12-year-old son is a part of. In the endeavor, he also tries to reconnect with his son. It is this reconnection, underscored by a common love for sport, which the father-son movie shows. You can watch it here.

14. Hustle (2022)

Starring Adam Sandler and Juancho Hernangomez, and directed by Jeremiah Zagar, ‘Hustle’ is a sports drama that follows an American basketball scout Stanley Sugerman looking for the next big player for the Philadelphia 76ers of the NBA. On the verge of losing hope and giving up, he comes across a guy from Spain. Bo Cruz loves basketball but has to support his family which consists of his mother and daughter. However, when Stanley plays the money card, Bo agrees. But getting drafted in the NBA is no small feat, especially with Sugerman’s bosses negating his newfound talent. Thus begins the hustle of both Bo and Sugerman to prove themselves together. The rest of the cast includes Queen Latifah, Ben Foster, and Robert Duvall. You can watch the film here.

13. The Adam Project (2022)

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Image Credit: Doane Gregory/Netflix

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Image Credit: Doane Gregory/Netflix

Directed by Shawn Levy, this sci-fi action flick stars Ryan Reynolds, Walker Scobell, Mark Ruffalo, Jennifer Garner, and Zoe Saldana. A fun-to-watch drama, it shows a 12-year-old, Adam Reed, living in the present (2022) and grieving the death of his father and his future self from 2050. They meet in the present and travel to the past to save their father and the world. In the endeavor, both mutually learn to cope with their father’s demise. What makes for the fun is that the two Adams don’t really like each other despite being the same self, leaving no stone unturned to take a dig at each other in signature Ryan Reynolds-style. The film does a rather good job of addressing the father-son dynamic while offering some great action sequences. You can stream the film here.

12. Dog Gone (2023)

This Stephen Herek directorial uses an effective means to showcase the strength of a father-son dynamic, a missing dog. Based on a true story that occurred in 1998, ‘Dog Gone’ shows Fielding Marshall and his father, John, set off on a journey to find Fielding’s beloved companion, Gonker, a yellow Labrador retriever, who bolted while he and Fielding were hiking along the Appalachian Trail. There is also a catch, which is that Gonker, who has Addison’s disease, is two weeks away from his next medication. The father-son duo’s race against time to find Gonker within 14 days is what the film showcases and does so brilliantly by showing how the quest also brings the duo closer, repairing their estranged relationship. You can stream the film here.

11. Father Soldier Son (2020)

Directed by Leslye Davis and Catrin Einhorn, this is a documentary film showcasing single father/U.S. Army Sergeant 1st Class Brian Eisch, his deployment, and how it affected his family life, especially his relationship with his two sons, Isaac and Joey. How he copes with the fear of wartime experiences taking a toll on his mind that might affect his loving relationship with his sons is the base on which this film builds itself. A moving experience; you can stream ‘Father Soldier Son’ here.

10. Animal (2023)

Directed by Sandeep Reddy Vanga, this Indian Hindi language drama stars Ranbir Kapoor, Anil Kapoor, Rashmika Mandanna, Tripti Dimri and Bobby Deol. The film follows Ranvijay “Vijay” Singh (Ranbir Kapoor) who is the son of wealthy and powerful business tycoon Balbir Singh (Anil Kapoor). After a failed assassination attempt on Balbir who ends up the hospital due to multiple gunshot wounds, Vijay vows revenge on the culprits. His act of revenge is underscored by his complex love-hate relationship with his father that adds to his “animal” nature. A film that garnered a lot of controversy due to its take on toxic masculinity and its treatment of women, ‘Animal’ is yet a powerful film with brilliant performances, especially by Ranbir Kapoor as Vijay. You can watch the film here.

9. The Son (2022)

Directed by Florian Zeller, this family drama stars Hugh Jackman, Zen McGrath, Laura Dern, Vanessa Kirby, and Anthony Hopkins. ‘The Son’ showcases a complex father-son case wherein Peter, in his second marriage, has to take care of his 17-year-old son Nicholas, from his first marriage, after he drops out of school. Peter’s childhood trauma made him a bad father to Nicholas. However, Peter is now ready to take him in and provide him with the help he needs to come out of the depression and anxiety, part of which is a result of Peter leaving his mother. Will Peter be successful in helping his son? To find out, you can stream the film here.

8. The Legacy of a Whitetail Deer Hunter (2018)

This Jody Hill directorial stars Josh Brolin, Montana Jordan, and Danny McBride and showcases a rite of passage as old as time itself (words borrowed from the film). The film entails famous hunter Buck Ferguson, who decides to take his son Jaden, who now lives with his mother (Buck’s ex-wife) and soon-to-be-stepdad Greg, on a hunting trip to reconnect with him. While the film is a comedy-drama, we get to see a nature-loving father figuring out a way to impress his estranged son, who doesn’t hate him but doesn’t care about him either. And the way the film uses nature as the base of operations is very effective when addressing such an organic bond. You can stream the film here.

7. Jersey (2022)

This is a gripping Indian Hindi-language film starring Shahid Kapoor, Mrunal Thakur, and Ronit Kamra and directed by Gowtam Tinnanuri. The film is a remake of the Telugu film of the same title. It tells the story of Arjun Talwar, a father who is a former batsman suspended for bribery, and how he tries to get back to the sport at an age when most cricketers retire, 36. The main force behind his objective is to get his son Ketan a jersey of the Indian Cricket Team that the kid wanted on his birthday.

The father’s struggle, guilt, and pain that is further propelled by a son for whom he cannot get a birthday gift and a wife, Vidya, who is working hard to make ends meet for her family while keeping up with his irresponsible attitude, is showcased in the film. What we also get to see is the loving relationship of the son and the father that is exclusive of the pains of the father’s daily life. When he is with his son, he is the happiest. To see whether Arjun can play and get his son the gift, you can stream the film here.

6. Concrete Cowboy (2020)

Directed by Ricky Staub, ‘Concrete Cowboy’ is set against the backdrop of Philadelphia’s African-American horse-riding culture. It shows the strained relationship between cowboy Harp (Idris Elba) and his fifteen-year-old son, Cole (Caleb McLaughlin), whom his mother has sent to his estranged father to spend the summer with. Cole arrives at a completely different landscape ridden with hardships that are customary in a stable and, more so, a cowboy community. How the father and son get along by overcoming their differences is showcased nicely in an organic environment that is underscored by horses that are symbols of strength, courage, competitiveness, confidence, and nobility, which is a great way to address the titular dynamic. You can check out the film right here.

5. Serious Men (2020)

The second Indian Hindi-language film in this list, ‘Serious Men’ has been directed by Sudhir Mishra and stars Nawazuddin Siddiqui, Aakshath Das, Indira Tiwari and Shweta Basu Prasad. It revolves around an underprivileged man named Ayyan, who is an astronomer’s assistant, and his ten-year-old son Adi. Enraged with being unable to achieve anything in life, Ayyan plots a con by posing his son as a science prodigy by using a Bluetooth hearing device. Basically, Adi will convey to a crowd what Ayyan will tell him via the device. Ayyan’s plan works as Adi becomes a local celebrity, but when the former is offered a big sum of money by a politician, to which he says yes, trouble ensues. By showing how Ayyan makes use of Adi to fulfill his own dream, the film addresses how parents often put the weight of their own ambitions on the weak shoulders of their children while showcasing the father-son dynamic. A must-watch film; you can stream it here.

4. Udaan (2010)

Directed by Vikramaditya Motwane, ‘Udaan’ is a brilliant Indian Hindi-language film about a 16-year-old boy named Rohan Singh who aspires to be a writer. But after being expelled from his boarding school for eight long years, he returns home to his authoritarian and abusive father, Bhairav, who isn’t happy at all with him and forces him to work in their family business as well as pursue his studies in an engineering college after working hours. But unforeseen circumstances follow that only seem to make matters worse between Rohan and Bhairav. To find out whether there is any reconciliation between the father and son, you can stream the film here.

3. OMG 2 (2023)

This Indian Hindi-language movie, directed by Amit Rai, is a standalone sequel to ‘OMG – Oh My God!’ (2012). ‘OMG 2’ shows an orthodox and religious father, Kanti Sharan Mudgal (Pankaj Tripathi), taking on his son’s school and society itself by fighting his son’s legal battle after the latter is expelled from school following a video of him masturbating in school goes viral. A commentary on sex that is a prevalent taboo in major parts of India and the importance of sex education, this film is a topic of discussion especially among Indian audiences, more so since it has an extended cameo from Lord Shiva himself, who sends his messenger to help his devotee. A treat to watch; you can stream ‘OMG 2’ here.

2. The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind (2019)

Directed by Chiwetel Ejiofor, who also stars in the film along with Maxwell Simba, Lily Banda, Philbert Falakeza, and Joseph Marcell, ‘The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind’ is based on the memoir of Malawian inventor/engineer/author William Kamkwamba. The movie tells the story of William whose knack for anything electronic ultimately allows him to build a windmill that brings water to his drought-affected village via its sole water pump. However, before he can do this, he endures a lot, including a fall-out with his father, who doesn’t let him utilize the family’s only asset, a bicycle, for the windmill’s parts. The film shows how the two come to a common ground while throwing light on the different perspectives of a son and a father. A beautiful film and a must-watch father-son flick; you can stream it here.

1. Sr. (2022)

Directed by Chris Smith, ‘Sr.’ is a documentary film that offers an in-depth view of one of the globe’s most popular actors’ relationship with his father as well as their careers. We are talking about Robert Downey Jr. and his father, the late Robert Downey Sr. How the two affected each other’s lives and shaped one another, as is shone in black-and-white, further adds to the organic nature of the film. You can stream it here.

Read More: Best Mom Daughter Movies on Netflix


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Landlocked Developing Countries Conference to Address Development

Conferences, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Global, Headlines, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Trade & Investment

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Third UN Conference of Landlocked Developing Countries will be an opportunity to address the issues these countries face.

Third UN Conference of Landlocked Developing Countries will be an opportunity to address the issues these countries face.

UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2024 (IPS) – Landlocked developing countries need greater support from the international community so that they are no longer left behind when it comes to progressing with the SDGs, says the UN High Representative of the Least Developed Countries.


The Third UN Conference of Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDC3) is set to be hosted in Kigali, Rwanda, in June. A preparatory committee for the conference has been established and convened its first meeting on Monday. 

The overarching theme of the conference, “Driving Progress through Partnerships,” is expected to highlight the importance of support from the global community in enabling LLDCs to meet their potential and achieve the SDGs. The conference invites the participation of multiple stakeholders, including heads of state and government, the private sector, and civil society. Several senior leaders in the UN system, including Secretary-General António Guterres, are expected to attend the LLDC3 Conference.

Thirty-two countries are classified as LLDCs, 17 of which are also classified as Least Developed Countries (LDCs). Sixteen are in Africa, and the remaining are located across Asia, Europe, and South America. This year will mark the first time that the LLDC Conference will be hosted in Africa.

Rabab Fatima, Under Secretary-General and High Representative of the Office for the Least Developed Countries, and the Secretary-General of the LLDC3 Conference, remarked that this conference would be a “once-in-a-decade opportunity” for the global community to address the needs of the LLDCs in order to “ensure that nobody is left behind.”

“The 32 landlocked developing countries are grappling with unique challenges due to their geographical and structural constraints and lack of integration into world trade and global value chains. Their situation has been further exacerbated by the lingering effects of the pandemic, climate change, and conflict,” she said.

The lack of direct access to coastal ports means that LLDCs rely on transit countries to connect them with international markets. This can lead to high trade costs and delays in the movement of goods. In other cases, many of the LLDCs’ transit neighbors are also developing countries with their own economic challenges. According to Fatima, the average cargo travel time for LLDCs was twelve days, compared to seven days for transit countries.

As a result of the slow progress in development, twenty-eight percent of people in LLDCs live in poverty. At least a third of the people are at a high risk of or already live with some form of debt distress, and fifty-eight percent of people deal with moderate to severe food insecurity.

Enkhbold Vorshilov, Permanent Representative of Mongolia to the UN, noted that the conference would be a “critical juncture” for the LLDCs. He also serves as the co-chair of the preparatory committee along with the Permanent Representative of Austria. He added, “Despite our varied cultural and economic structures, we share common challenges that impede our development and economic growth.”

The Preparatory Committee will negotiate the details of the conference’s outcome document, which has been prepared to “encapsulate the challenges and aspirations of the LLDCs,” according to Gladys Mokhawa, Permanent Representative for Botswana and the Chair of the Global Group of Landlocked Developing Countries. Mokhawa expressed that the document has so far received general support from member states and that the final draft would be comprehensive and committed to addressing the challenges that LLDCs face “that align with their specific needs and aspirations.”

“A vision is clear: to transform the geographical challenges and to ensure that our landlocked status is nothing more than a detail of geography,” she said. “We believe that our collective efforts can and will make a difference.”

“Our goal is not merely to draft a document but to build positive, genuine partnerships that will empower landlocked developing countries to overcome their challenges and achieve sustainable prosperity,” said Vorshilov. He added that, along with support from neighboring transit countries, cooperation from development partners and financial institutions would be important to mobilize the resources needed to support the LLDCs.

The document is intended to serve as a guideline for the LLDCs for the next decade and will touch on several areas of interest. In addition to addressing transport and trade, it will focus on emerging issues, such as science, technology, and innovation, and improving capacity and resilience against issues arising from climate change.

Earlier meetings, including the first meeting of the committee, have seen delegations express solidarity with the LLDCs and support for the agenda of the upcoming conference. Ambassador Stavros Lambrinidis, Permanent Representative of the European Union Delegation to the UN, stated that the development challenges call for “more efficient allocation of financial resources on the path toward the SDGs” and that an “essential element” of their partnership would be the development of connections and transport corridors for the benefit of all peoples.

Speaking on behalf of the Africa Group, Ambassador Marc Hermanne Araba of Benin noted that Africa has faced the brunt of the challenges faced by the LLDCs and their neighboring transit countries. He added that the present moment was an opportunity to “chart a transformative agenda for the LLDCs,” and therefore it is important for the global community to reaffirm its’ commitment to address the LLDCs’ challenges together to “ensure that these countries are not left behind.”.

Fatima welcomed the media as a “key partner,” through which the voices of LLDCs would have a platform, and to bridge the gap between the conference and those communities who will be most affected by the outcomes by sharing their perspectives.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Moimuna Nursing Institute Ushers Hope for Vulnerable Rural Girls in Bangladesh

Aid, Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Featured, Gender, Headlines, Health, Human Rights, Inequality, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Youth

Active Citizens

Dr MA Sayed conducts a practical with his students at the Moimuna Nursing Institute. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

Dr MA Sayed conducts a practical class with his students at the
Moimuna Nursing Institute. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

THAKURGAON, Bangladesh, Feb 6 2024 (IPS) – After passing her secondary school certificate (SCC) in 2019, Sweety Akter went door-to-door to collect money to enroll in a college, but she wasn’t successful.

Born to an extremely poor family in Fultala village under Baliadangi upazila in Thakurgaon district, Akter saw her dream of studying fading as she was unable to enroll in a college because of a lack of funding, despite her good results at school.


“I went to many places but did not get the opportunity for admission. I did not have the financial support to study at a private college or an educational institute.”

Then Sweety’s fortune changed.

“I luckily got a chance to study for a nursing diploma free of charge at Moimuna Nursing Institute (MNI),” she told IPS.

Two sisters, Sweety Akter (left) and Shikha Akter (right) enrolled in Moimuna Nursing Institute, Sweety has already completed a nursing diploma with financial support from the institute and Shikha is now a second-year student. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

Two sisters, Sweety Akter (left) and Shikha Akter (right), are enrolled in Moimuna Nursing Institute. Sweety has already completed a nursing diploma with financial support from the institute, and Shikha is now a second-year student. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

Explaining her financial hardships, the 22-year-old Akter said her father is a gambler who had sold all the family’s assets to gamble, and he had even sold their lone homestead, where they are currently living.

“My father does not give me and my younger sister any money for education. My mother works as domestic help at the houses of people and is bearing the costs for our four-member family,” she said.

Sweety said that if she had not had the opportunity to enroll at MNI, it would have been impossible for her to pursue tertiary education, and she would have been forced to marry.

Overcoming all the odds and passing the nursing diploma, she is now pursuing an internship at Rangpur Medical College and Hospital (RMCH) with financial support from the institute, which paves the way for former students to get jobs at hospitals.

Shikha Akhter (19) enrolled in Moimuna Nursing Institute in Thakurgaon, northwest Bangladesh, to pursue a diploma in nursing science and midwifery with the encouragement of her sister, Sweety.

Shikha said she enrolled in the institute at a minimum fee, and now she is enjoying more facilities than other students as her elder sister also studied there.

“I am studying the nursing diploma and staying at the MNI’s hostel, which makes my life easy. I want to be a good nurse and serve people,” she added.

Joya Rani, a 20-year-old girl from poverty-stricken Kaliganj village under Deviganj upazila, also studied the nursing diploma with financial support from the institute.

“My father is physically challenged, so he cannot work. My mother is the only breadwinner for our family, and she supports the family by rearing cattle. That’s why she cannot give me any money (for study),” she told IPS.

Joya, who is currently doing an internship at RMCH, said she received a stipend of Taka 2,000 (USD 19) from the institute over the past two years, and if she had not received the stipend, it would not have been possible for her to continue studying.

Moimuna Nursing Institute, located 460 kilometers away from the capital Dhaka, is a non-profit approved by the Bangladesh Council of Nursing and Midwifery and offers a three-year diploma in nursing for about USD 1,500, which includes tuition fees, accommodation, uniforms, and books.

Thakurgaon is a poor district in Bangladesh, with a poverty rate of 36.7 percent against 18.7 percent at the national level. Of them, about 19.7 percent of people in the district live in extreme poverty, which prevents many from continuing their education, particularly the girls.

Since the start of its journey in 2019–20, the MNI has been providing financial support, including stipends and need-based scholarships, for students coming from underprivileged families.

MNI’s managing director, Dr. MA Sayed, said the institute authorities are providing a handful of scholarships, with three poor students receiving stipends in each batch so that they can continue their nursing education.

In distributing scholarships and stipends, a committee of the institute inspects the houses of their students. If the committee finds evidence of acute financial hardship, the MNI provides support.

Even after completing the nursing diploma, the institute’s support continues, and it facilitates sending the former students to public hospitals to do internships.

“During their internship, we are providing financial support for some selected poor students so that they can accomplish their goals,” Sayed said.

He said the MNI provides a residential facility for its students to ensure a smooth environment for education, resulting in a 100 percent pass rate, which makes it the first in Thakurgaon district.

“We also carry out career counseling for students to encourage them to consider a higher education in nursing,” he added.

Teachers, students and staff of Moimuna Nursing Institute pose for a photo in front of its main building on the campus. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

Teachers, students, and staff of Moimuna Nursing Institute pose for a photo in front of its main building on the campus. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS

Nirmola Toppa, mother of Nila Kispotta, who recently completed a nursing diploma from the MNI, said after her daughter passed the SSC examination, she tried to marry her off because she could not afford to pay for her daughter’s educational expenses.

But a scholarship meant Nila could complete her diploma, and she is now getting a stipend of Taka 2,000 (USD19) per month from MNI to complete her six-month internship at RMCH.

Nirmala said Nila received Taka 6,000 (USD 57) to enroll in the internship too.

Founder of Moimuna Nursing Institute, Dr. Saifullah Syed, said in Thakurgaon, many rural underprivileged girls and those coming from minority and ethnic communities pass the entrance exam (SSC) to enroll in nursing institutes but do not enroll due to financial constraints.

Also, there are many who could qualify but do not take the entrance exam, thinking that they may not be able to afford the educational expenses to become nurses and midwives, he said.

“That’s why I founded Moimuna Nursing Institute to ensure that qualified poor rural girls, particularly those coming from minority and ethnic communities, get the opportunity to become nurses and midwives,” Syed told IPS.

He asserted that his institute has established an endowment fund under the control of a Board of Trustees, provides need-based scholarships, and arranges sponsors.

The MNI welcomes donations as it means more students may be assisted.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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The West’s Addiction to War Must End in Gaza

Armed Conflicts, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Headlines, Human Rights, Middle East & North Africa, Migration & Refugees, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Sa’ada, Yemen. Aftermath of a Saudi airstrikes. Credit: Ghaith Abdul-Ahad

KABUL, Afghanistan, Feb 2 2024 (IPS) – Two months ago, an opinion piece I wrote, “The Cries of Gaza Reach Afghanistan,” was published with the hope of reminding American and other Western leaders of how quickly wars ON terror descend into wars OF terror because of their disproportionate impact on civilians and the unpredictability once unleashed.


The United States and its Western alliance of ‘forever wars’ since 9/11 were all entered under the pretext of defeating terrorism. Instead, they strengthened the political and military standing of those they aimed to destroy while simultaneously causing unimaginable suffering for millions of civilians, including their own citizens.

According to Brown University’s Cost of War Project and various other independent research groups, a catastrophic 4.5 million direct and indirect deaths are attributed to Western efforts to “defeat terrorism” since 9/11.

If Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, Syria, and Libya have taught us anything, it should be this. Today, the Taliban once again rules Afghanistan, and Iraq, after years of sectarian violence resulting from the U.S. invasion has moved closer to the political influence of Iran. In Syria, Bashar al-Assad’s autocratic rule remains firmly in place. The U.S./European NATO-led air war to rid Libya of Muammar Qaddafi and usher in democracy in 2011 was so naively executed that no consideration was paid to how such a reckless, violent endeavor would ultimately trigger a civil war, terrorism, and mass migration. In Yemen, U.S. support for Saudi Arabia’s war against Houthi rebels has led to the deaths of more than 200,000 Yemenis and strengthened the Houthis to the point where, for the “first time in history, a naval blockade is being successfully enacted” by a non-state actor with “no navy and cheap, low-grade technology.”

The same hubris that has blinded the West’s addiction to answering terrorism with war since 9/11 is the same hubris and hypocrisy that fuels its unconditional support for Israel’s war against Hamas today. To be clear, the attacks of Hamas on October 7, like the attacks of Al Qaeda on 9/11, deserve the harshest global condemnation and a proportional, strategic response that respects international law. It does not justify the unconditional support and shielding of Israel’s punitive war on Gaza’s unarmed civilian population, its civilian infrastructure, and its cultural and religious heritage while further risking the lives of the remaining Israeli hostages held by Hamas. Moreover, this war serves no military objective for Israel and offers no strategic benefit for those aiding and abetting Israel’s war from Washington, London, and various EU capitals.

In seeking to wipe out Hamas, all that Israel and its supporters led by the United States are doing is wiping out Gaza. In 100 days, Israel has succeeded in decimating 4 percent of Gaza’s population. Ninety thousand men, women, and children in the Gaza Strip have been killed, seriously injured, or disappeared. 75% of those killed are women and children (Source: Euro-Med Monitor), not Hamas fighters.

If Gaza was called an open-air prison before this war, now it’s an open-air graveyard. A closer look at the 4 percent shows an even bigger tragedy unfolding by the minute. Unchallenged by those who are supplying it with arms and political cover, Israel is targetting Palestinian healthcare workers, humanitarian relief specialists, journalists, artists, poets, civil society activists, and educators, along with their families. As if the killing of Gaza’s children and its brightest wasn’t enough, Israel, through the collaboration of its Western allies, is also obliterating Gaza’s residential and public service infrastructure.

According to a Wall Street Journal satellite imagery survey, “Israel has bombarded and destroyed 70 percent of homes in Gaza.” According to the W.H.O., “none of Gaza’s 36 hospitals are functioning,” and universities, including its primary medical teaching college, have been blown up by the I.D.F. Even places of worship, mosques, and churches, historically places of refuge during times of war, haven’t been spared the wrath of the Israeli-Western assault on Gaza.

Investigations conducted by The Washington Post and Truthout state, “Israel has deployed over 22,000 U.S. produced bombs on Gaza including 2,000-pound ‘bunker bombs’ which experts warn are not meant for densely populated areas as well as white phosphorus produced by munitions manufacturer, the Pine Bluff Arsenal, in the U.S. state of Arkansas (source: Arkansas Times) and supplied to Israel by the U.S. government over the years. Despite massive protests in major U.S. cities calling for a cease-fire, President Biden has bypassed Congress on two occasions to get even more weapons to Israel. The U.K. and Europe, for their part, have also continued to supply key weapons to Israel since the start of the war (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) despite loud calls from their citizens for an immediate cease-fire.

When asked about these atrocities, the only reply from Israeli, American, British, and European officials is, “Do you condemn Hamas?” The answer should always be yes, but Hamas’s crimes against Israeli citizens on October 7 are not a license for Israel and the West to kill, maim, and displace the entire unarmed civilian population of Gaza. Furthermore, Israel’s reasoning that Hamas is using the civilians of Gaza as human shields and, therefore, justified in deploying any form of military action it deems necessary is not war but a crime against humanity. It’s also a disingenuous argument meant to create a fog of war repeated with criminal negligence by countless U.S., U.K., and European leaders and government officials.

It’s hard to imagine today, but the suffering being inflicted upon two million Palestinians and the remaining 132 Israeli hostages in Gaza, fatefully connected by history, geography, and the tragic events of October 7, will eventually come to an end. Perhaps the historic ruling by the International Criminal Court of Justice (I.C.J.) will prevail, but this could take months. In the meantime, the atrocities being committed on Gazans will intensify, and the plight of the Israeli hostages will enter an even darker, more desperate stage.

The recent ruling of the world’s highest court, while legally binding, doesn’t have the power of enforcement. Furthermore, the court’s order to Israel to “take measures which prevent further harm on Palestinians” without actually ordering a cease-fire fails to take into consideration the entrenched and sick appetite for war that exists between the world’s political elites are not only providing unconditional support for Israel’s war on the civilian population of Gaza, but participating and profiting from it.

According to EuroMed Monitoring, “Since the I.C.J.’s ruling, Israel has maintained its rate of killing in Gaza” with either no or muted reactions from Western leaders. The fury but also the inertia of powerful states, regardless of political governance and persuasion, is virtually impossible to stop once their war machines are set in motion. It’s no different for Israel.

It took the United States twenty years to end its war in Afghanistan and almost ten years in Iraq. It still maintains counter-terrorism operations with Saudi Arabia in Yemen despite the deadly impact on Yemeni civilians. Europe continues its unwavering support for continued war in Ukraine for no reason other than political arrogance. Russia, for its part, despite its upper hand in Ukraine, continues to fight with devastating consequences for both Russians and Ukrainians. So, why should Netanyahu and his war cabinet be counted on to rein in their war in Gaza? Like their militarily powerful peers, Israel’s warmongering has no bounds.

The entire population of Northern Gaza is now internally displaced, forced by Israel to move south towards Rafah on the Egyptian border. Despite the I.C.J.’s ruling, Israel has intensified its ground operation towards Rafah, where hundreds of thousands from the North of Gaza are already taking refuge on the outskirts of the city, living for weeks in a harsh desert landscape. If Israel continues its violent push into Rafah as it has warned Egypt it plans to do, the entire population of Gaza will be trapped in a tiny corner of the desert with no protection and no safe passage out.

Those who survive the daily air strikes are now dying of hunger, disease, and injuries left untreated because of the destruction of Gaza’s health care system. Two million people are now also forced to endure the extreme traumas of trying to survive without any viable shelter, food, clean water and sanitation, electricity, and safe passage while surrounded by constant air and ground bombardment, snipers, drone attacks, the cold and rain of winter and perhaps worse of all the inaction of world leaders who have it in their power to end Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza and, now it’s frightening assault on the civilian population of the West Bank, where Hamas isn’t even in power.

Only the United States, specifically President Biden, is uniquely positioned to pressure Israel to respect each of the I.C.J’s rulings. Perhaps, given its reliance on war as an answer to every foreign policy challenge since 9/11, the United States has forgotten it also has something called soft power- something it has sorely neglected the past twenty years.

The easiest way for President Biden to prove that he and the United States are still committed to international law is by announcing his personal support for an immediate cease-fire and showing proof that he’s pressuring Israel to do the same. He will also need to push for a robust and independent humanitarian assistance effort without any interference from Israel at either border crossing into Gaza.

Of course, all of this assumes that President Biden is willing to stop listening to the impenetrable wall of aides and advisors he’s created around himself and start seeing with his own eyes the scale of the suffering and the dire risks of a wider, regional war that is already endangering American lives.

According to a confidential source with extensive U.S. foreign policy experience, the deadly attack on U.S. troops on the border between Jordan and Syria this past week “exhibits how even the projection of U.S. military power serves to fuel conflict rather than mitigate it.” For totally preventable reasons, now the families of these American soldiers can join all the Palestinian and Israeli lives torn apart by the sheer insanity of this preventable war and unfolding humanitarian disaster.

Above all, President Biden needs to start hearing the calls of his fellow citizens, including the many thousands of Jewish Americans, who are demanding that their taxes and their nation not be used to wage yet another senseless war in their names. A failure to do so will have unimaginable consequences not just for Israelis and Palestinians but for the world.

IPS UN Bureau

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