15 Years After the Civil War Ended, Sri Lanka Faces Another Crucial Election

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Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International, addresses the media and the community at the site of the Mullivaikal massacre. She says justice is overdue for the families of those killed and disappeared during the Sri Lankan civil war. Credit: Johan Mikaelsson/IPS

Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International, addresses the media and the community at the site of the Mullivaikal massacre. She says justice is overdue for the families of those killed and disappeared during the Sri Lankan civil war. Credit: Johan Mikaelsson/IPS

MULLIVAIKAL, Sri Lanka , Sep 16 2024 (IPS) – Thousands of Tamils are heading to Mullivaikal on the northeast coast of Sri Lanka, many of whom were here 15 years ago and still live in the region. They are there, May 18, to commemorate the massacre of civilians in a ‘no fire zone’ during the final stages of the civil war.


This was the last day of the bloody civil war, which raged mainly in the northern and eastern parts of the island since 1983. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) guerrillas had finally surrendered to the Sri Lankan government. The aftermath continues to rock the island.

The ethnic conflict between the island nation’s majority Sinhalese population and the minority Tamils (who were in the majority in the north and east) had escalated after 1948 when the country gained independence from Britain, the last in the line of colonial powers.

The whole island suffered during the war. Sri Lankan Tamils have been through a lot, especially those who lived in the war-torn north. Everyone who came to the beach on this day of remembrance wants to honor the memory of loved ones who fell victim and the blood that was spilled in the sand.

“Everyone here has a family member or relative who didn’t make it,” explains the teacher Shanmuganathan, who has stopped with his motorcycle by the road where porridge made from rice, the only thing that was available to eat in the war zone, is being offered before Memorial Day.

The war has left its mark. He shows scars from shrapnel and tells us that he lost his wife in the final stages of the war. He has continued to work and is involved in a teacher’s union.

Women pray during the commemoration of the Mullivaikal massacre. Thousands died in no fire zones in the final days of the war. Credit: Johan Mikaelsson/IPS

Women pray during the commemoration of the Mullivaikal massacre. Thousands died in no fire zones in the final days of the war. Credit: Johan Mikaelsson/IPS

Internationally, the calls to investigate targeted bombings of civilians, mass executions of surrendering Tiger soldiers and leaders, widespread sexual violence and other torture are no longer as loud. Many of those who protested and demanded to know what happened to missing relatives have died without receiving any response from the government.

When war crimes are discussed, the government side highlights that the terrorist-branded LTTE carried out acts of terror against civilian targets in the south and that Tamils in the north were used as human shields.

The peace process that began in 2002 with a ceasefire and peace talks led by the Norwegian government and facilitator Erik Solheim stalled and the ceasefire agreement was torn apart by the parties. Sri Lankan government forces in 2008 launched a final offensive to capture the parts then still controlled by the LTTE, which had been fighting for a separate Tamil state in the northern and eastern parts of the island.

In early 2009, the Tigers abandoned their main stronghold, the town of Kilinochchi. The areas under guerrilla control were shrinking ever faster. Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran did not listen to calls to lay down arms and surrender. Eventually, a narrow coastal strip remained, with several hundred thousand civilians and the remnants of the guerrilla movement pressed together and under fire from land, sea, and air.

For Remembrance Day, a school in the town of Puthukkudiyiruppu is organizing a poetry competition. One of the participants, Kamsaini, now 24, wants to share her experiences with the schoolchildren, who were born after the war.

“The generations after me know nothing about the pain I felt these days. We had neither food nor water and I lost several family members; some died, and my sister is missing,” explains Kamsaini.

In place under the hot sun in Mullivaikal is Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International. During her stay on the island, she has met President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who opened up for the visit, which was not a given. When the Rajapaksa brothers ruled the country (2005-2015, 2019-2022), the government allowed the military and police to prevent Tamils from observing commemorations linked to the war.

One reason why Callamard and Amnesty International want to be there is that she does not want Sri Lanka to “fall off the agenda,” which could happen if the main actor within the United Nations, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, does not succeed with the latest in a series of resolutions on Sri Lanka voted through in the UN Human Rights Council.

She sees the issue of the war in Sri Lanka as a crucial test for the international community. A 30-year-long civil war must not be swept under the carpet, she believes

“Every time we fail to create justice, we all, including the international community, get a wound. We’re here because we don’t want that to happen. We feel the determination of many people in Sri Lanka and civil society, both Tamils and Sinhalese and a range of actors who are committed to seeing justice delivered,” says Callamard.

In this way, it represents a defining moment for the United Nations. Callamard is critical of the UN Security Council, which “has not taken a single step for Sri Lanka.”

Amnesty International advocates, as do a number of states, that the latest resolution must be implemented.

“Just a lot of ‘blah, blah, blah,’ something for the eyes, investments in so-called institutions and nothing, nothing, nothing. Fifteen years. Come on!” she urges.

Even on the island, there are far too many who have done nothing at all.

“The point is that the government in power must step forward, the political parties must step forward, the parliament must step forward, the religious leaders must step forward, cultural leaders must step forward. It should be an issue that everyone rallies around. The problem is that governments are being replaced. So it’s not good enough. Everyone must take their responsibility,” says Callamard.

In Mullivaikal, many people share memories. James Confucius, a Catholic priest, tells how he and a group of people barely made it out of the war zone alive.

“We waved a white flag, and we went in the direction of the soldiers to surrender, but then they shot at us, so we had to turn back,” he says.

They waited in a sand bunker and finally got another opportunity. The soldiers they encountered believed that an injured woman in the group was a Tiger soldier, because she had short hair. The priest pleaded and said she needed hospital treatment, but the soldiers said the woman had to stay.

The group had to move on and when they had gone only a short distance, they heard a shot.

“I turned around and saw that the woman had been shot,” says Confucius.

In total, roughly 300,000 people got out of the war zone. An estimate that has often been used is a death toll of 40,000 civilians in the final stages of the war alone. Tamils state higher numbers, while Sri Lankan authorities write low death tolls, including in the 2010 report by the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), appointed by the government.

The then sitting president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, had previously said that “not a single Tamil civilian has been killed by the military.”

Experts have dismissed the statement as absurd. While the majority of Tamil politicians still refer to “genocide,” the issue of death tolls rarely receives the same attention as it did in the years after the civil war.

The UN Human Rights Council has voted through a number of non-binding resolutions that Sri Lanka is expected to follow, but no real action on the problem has been taken in Sri Lanka. There is also nothing to suggest that this will happen.

None of the main candidates in the presidential election on September 21 have highlighted truth-seeking, the rule of international law, regional power-sharing and reconciliation—what the UN is asking for. The economy is in focus, the nation and the citizens, and all candidates want to stop corruption.

The agreement that the government reached with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), is also being discussed. It was negotiated by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is not elected by the people but took over by a vote in Parliament after Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned and fled the country as a result of the April-July 2022 Aragalya (meaning struggle in Sinhalese) protest movement. Before that, Rajapaksa had appointed Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister.

At the Ministry of Defense (MOD) on the outskirts of the capital Colombo, soldiers and officers move inside the compound, which is surrounded by high walls. For some, the Vesak holiday awaits when the full moon approaches. The armed forces also marked the end of the war and Victory Day, but more quietly than in previous years.

Colonel Nalin Herath is the MOD media spokesperson. Right now, work is being done to adapt the forces to actual needs. Herath says they will shrink to 100,000 by 2030. Many who were previously employed in the military have faced unemployment as civilians.

An urgent issue is trying to bring home hundreds of ex-soldiers who were lured by middlemen to go to Russia to work for Russia’s army. Most are said to have received promises not to take part in battle, which hasn’t been the case.

“We should not have mercenaries in war; it violates international law,” says Nalin Herath.

Some have also fought and died on Ukraine’s side. Herath emphasizes that Sri Lanka is neutral, adheres to non-alignment, and does not want to comment on whether it is worse to fight for Russia, which is waging an illegal war of invasion and committing war crimes.

Close to 20 men from Sri Lanka, who were on the Russian side of the front in June, were confirmed dead. An unknown number of men have surrendered to Ukrainian forces. Hundreds of former soldiers have not been heard from for a long time, which emerged after the Ministry of Defense in April-May opened a telephone line where relatives can call.

Sri Lankans who have become Russian citizens can effectively be stuck in a death trap, as the Sri Lankan government became aware after a delegation traveled to Moscow in June to discuss the matter with the Russian counterpart. It was explained that the Sri Lankans who became Russian citizens are now under Russian law.

As a spokesperson for a military organization, Herath talks about a general goal.

“War means destruction. Both parties suffer. This should not be an era of war. As a soldier, I want to see a peaceful world. The smartest thing would be to avoid the wars,” he states.

He highlights international humanitarian law, which he teaches, both in Sri Lanka and internationally. He mentions the good the Sri Lankan military has done. After the war, minefields were cleared, land was returned and soldiers donated blood to the hospitals.

But he cannot comment on Amnesty International’s statement. Political leaders are responsible for handling this. He nevertheless states:

“Violations occur in all wars. Here we are dealing with isolated cases,” he adds.

Consensus still lingers.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Small Glacial Lakes’ Mass Destruction in the Himalayan Community

Active Citizens, Asia-Pacific, Climate Action, Climate Change, Climate Change Justice, COP29, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Environment, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, Natural Resources, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Climate Change

Before and after the flood: Thame village in the Mt. Everest region (Khumbu region) in Nepal-before the flood. This village is home to world renowned climbers like Kami Rita Sherpa. On August 16 a flash flood caused by the glacial lake outburst swept away the most of Thame village. Credits: Khumbu Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality

Before and after the flood: Thame village in the Mt. Everest region (Khumbu region) in Nepal-before the flood. This village is home to world renowned climbers like Kami Rita Sherpa. On August 16 a flash flood caused by the glacial lake outburst swept away the most of Thame village. Credits: Khumbu Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality

KATHMANDU, Sep 10 2024 (IPS) – Small glacial lakes can cause destruction, which may impact the livelihoods of entire communities. Now this is the harsh reality that the community of Thame village in the Mt. Everest region of Nepal now faces as they rebuild after the August 16 disaster.


On that day a devastating flood struck Thame, a Sherpa village in the Khumbu region, damaging houses, local businesses, a school, a health facility, and the community’s means of livelihood. 

“Thame is one of the main villages that is important in terms of trekking attraction, and the flood swept away the entire village. That will definitely impact our livelihood,” said Pashang Sherpa, “Even though I am not from that village, I have been working as a trekking guide for the last 15 years, and villages like Thame are crucial to us.”

An assessment of the damage by the local government-Khumbu Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality in the Solukhumbu district-reports that at least 18 properties have been destroyed, including seven homes, five hotels, one school, and one health post.

“Given the difficult geographical terrain, reconstruction efforts will be costly, and the local government’s budget will not be enough. That’s why we appeal for help from individuals and institutional sectors,” the rural municipality stated in an appeal for assistance.

What Exactly Happened

A view of glacial lake after the flood. Credit: Khumbu Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality

A view of glacial lake after the flood. Credit: Khumbu Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality

Initially, the cause was unclear, but now things are becoming clearer: Thame village was hit by a flash flood caused by a glacial lake outburst. Thyanbo glacial lake, located upstream of Thame, burst, sending floodwaters mixed with sediment down to the village.

“It was the result of more than one event—ice/snow melt or an avalanche caused spills from one glacial lake, which then triggered an outburst flood from the lower Thyanbo glacial lake,” said Dr. Arun Bhakta Shrestha, Senior Climate Change Specialist at ICIMOD. “It’s not that both lakes burst, but rather that the overflow or spill of water from one lake caused the other lake to outburst.”

Leading up to the flood, multiple weather-related factors were at play. Recent rainfall and rising temperatures likely contributed to ice/snow melt, which in turn led to the outburst. According to the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM), the area received relatively high rainfall in the week leading up to the event, and temperatures were also relatively high.

“That may have caused ice/snow melt or an avalanche at the upper lake, and the spilled water caused erosion, which ultimately triggered the lower lake to burst,” DHM said in a statement.

Experts are saying that this flood is the latest example of the causal impact of climate change and the level of impact that can be seen at the local level. Tenzing Chogyal Sherpa, ICIMOD’s Cryosphere Analyst—who also belongs to the mountain Sherpa community and is from the Khumbu region—views this event as both personal and a stark reminder of the climate crisis.

Tenzing Chogyal Sherpa, ICIMOD’s Cryosphere Analyst, comment on X. Credit: X

ICIMOD’s Cryosphere Analyst, Tenzing Chogyal Sherpa’s comment on X tells of the ‘heartbreaking reality’ of the flood. Credit: X

“Seeing the ancestral homes of Sherpa families in ruins was just numbing,” he wrote on X (formerly Twitter). “Every disaster tests our resilience, but it also strengthens it. We, the mountain community, will emerge united and determined to protect our homes and way of life. Now, more than ever, we must raise our voices to the global community. Our stories and struggles need to be heard.”

Small Glacial Lakes Are Also Dangerous 

According to satellite image assessments, the lake’s size was approximately 0.05 square kilometers just a few hours before the breach. “This lake was not on the list of potentially dangerous lakes that may cause GLOFs, and it wasn’t that big either. There are thousands of lakes like that,” Shrestha says. “This means even small lakes can cause vast destruction, and our river corridors are not safe.”

There are several lakes upstream of Thame, and satellite images show that these lakes’ sizes are constantly growing. However, they are not listed as potentially dangerous glacial lakes (PDGLs) like the nearby Tsho Rolpa. A glacial lake inventory report published in 2020 identified 47 PDGLs within the Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali river basins of Nepal (21 in Nepal), the Tibet Autonomous Region of China (25 in China), and India (one in India).

This report identified other small lakes in the region, but they were not listed as PDGLs; there are more than 3,624 lakes in total. The report indicates that there are 2,214 lakes smaller than 0.02 square kilometers in size and 759 lakes ranging from 0.02 to 0.05 square kilometers in size.

“Yes, lakes are getting bigger day by day because of snowmelt and glacier retreat. But these small lakes are also dangerous when it comes to the destruction they may cause to downstream communities,” Shrestha said.

He argues that it’s time to integrate potential danger into development plans and disaster risk reduction (DRR) mechanisms so that disasters like the one in Thame can be avoided. The Thame flood occurred in the afternoon, allowing locals to move to safety, which prevented human casualties. But if it had happened at night, the situation could have been much worse.

“We are getting multiple wake-up calls, but we haven’t woken up yet,” Shrestha said. “We need to consider glacial lake-related events from a watershed perspective, not from the viewpoint of individual lakes. A multi-hazard preparedness approach is needed to avoid larger destruction because there are thousands of lakes above the communities.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Climate Change Exacerbated Flash Floods in Bangladesh

Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Climate Change, Education, Environment, Food and Agriculture, Headlines, Health, TerraViva United Nations, Water & Sanitation

Bangladesh Feni Flood August 2024. People wading through the flood waters, in search of shelter in Feni. Credit: UNICEF/Sultan Mahmud Mukut

UNITED NATIONS, Sep 6 2024 (IPS) – Since late August, severe flash floods and monsoons plaguing Bangladesh have affected nearly 6 million people. Bangladeshi officials have declared the floods to be the country’s worst climate disaster in recent memory. These recent floods follow the wake of Cyclone Remal, which devastated Bangladesh and West Bengal earlier this year.


Floods have caused widespread destruction in Bangladesh, with the Feni, Cumilla, Laxipur, Chattogram, and Noakhali districts among those hit hardest. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has stated that 71 people have been reported dead. The floods have decimated villages, with thousands of homes having been destroyed or submerged underwater, causing widespread internal displacement.

“So far, a reported 500,000 people have been displaced in more than 3,400 evacuation shelters”, Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, said during a press briefing held on September 4 at the headquarters in New York.

“We, along with our humanitarian partners, are mobilized and supporting the government-led flood response,” Dujarric said. “We are also helping with local efforts to help the most vulnerable people and communities impacted by these floods.”

Displacement shelters in Bangladesh have become overcrowded due to the sheer amount of civilians that were displaced from their communities. According to an August 30 report from the United Nations Inter-Cluster Coordination Group (ICCG), this has heightened protection concerns for affected women and girls.

Floods have also damaged critical infrastructure in Bangladesh, greatly impeding relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Farah Kabir, Country Director of ActionAid Bangladesh stated “The disruption of roads and communication has further escalated their plight, making it difficult for them to reach safety and essential resources. The UN reports that certain areas are entirely inaccessible to aid workers due to the extent of the high water levels.

According to the ICCG report, in Noakhali, approximately 50 percent of the flood-affected areas are considered “unreachable” by local authorities and aid personnel. The floods have also caused significant power outages, aggravating these challenges in accessibility.

This has taken a significant toll on nationwide education. Floods have ravaged educational facilities across the nation and have made countless roads and passages inaccessible, making schooling for children extremely difficult. According to Dujarric, over 7000 schools are now closed due to flooding, which has impacted 1.7 million children and young people.

Water sanitation systems have been severely compromised with the swelling of dirty water filling the streets. Without access to emergency medical supplies, the risk of contracting waterborne diseases has risen significantly.

Kabir added, “The collapse of the sanitation system in many areas has heightened the public health crisis”.

Last week, In one instance last week, Bangladesh’s Directorate of General Health Services (Dte. GHS) reported that over a period of 24 hours since the flooding began, 5000 people had been hospitalized, reporting cases of diarrhea, skin infections and snake bites. UNICEF is currently on the frontlines of this disaster, distributing 3.6 million water purification tablets to prevent the spread of illnesses.

Additionally, the livelihoods of millions have been impacted by the floods. Agriculture, specifically, has been hit the hardest. According to Bangladesh’s agriculture ministry, the floods have resulted in a loss of 282 million US dollars due to crop damage, impacting over 1.3 million farmers. This is significantly detrimental as the agricultural sector employs roughly 42 percent of Bangladesh’s workforce.

Dujarric added that the floods have caused 156 million US dollars worth of losses in livestock and fisheries. This has devastated Bangladesh’s economy as well as greatly exacerbated levels of food insecurity nationwide.

“With supplies disrupted, thousands of families are still stranded in shelters without any food,” said Simone Parchment, the World Food Programme (WFP) Representative in Bangladesh, in a press release issued on August 30. “Our focus is on delivering emergency assistance to the people who have been displaced and lack the means to cook for themselves.”

Hundreds of thousands of people are facing risks of starvation and malnutrition as aid workers scramble to distribute dry food to shelters. WFP is currently in the process of delivering fortified biscuits to 60,000 families in areas that have been hit the hardest.

The UN’s Acting Relief Emergency Coordinator, Joyce Msuya, has allocated 4 million dollars from the UN’s Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF). In addition, UNICEF is on the frontlines of this disaster, providing over 338,000 people with live-saving supplies. However, current efforts are not enough to mitigate this disaster. UNICEF has requested over 35 million dollars from donors in order to provide all families affected with medical assistance.

It is also imperative to tackle the climate crisis, as Bangladesh is one of the world’s most climate-sensitive nations. A 2015 report by the World Bank Institute stated that approximately 3.5 million people in Bangladesh are affected by annual river flooding, an issue that is only worsened by the climate crisis.

Deputy Representative of UNICEF Bangladesh Emma Brigham remarked that the devastation caused by the floods in the eastern regions of Bangladesh are “a tragic reminder of the relentless impact of extreme weather events and the climate crisis”, particularly for children. “Far too many children have lost loved ones, their homes, schools, and now are completely destitute,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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INDIA: ‘Civil Society Organisations Are at the Forefront of the Fight Against Gender-based Violence’

Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Featured, Gender Violence, Headlines, Health, TerraViva United Nations, Women’s Health

Sep 5 2024 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses the recent wave of protests against gender-based violence (GBV) in India with Dr Kavitha Ravi, a member of the Indian Medical Association (IMA).


Protests erupted across India after a 31-year-old female medical trainee was raped and murdered in a Kolkata hospital on 9 August. The IMA called a strike, with protests held in major cities including Kolkata and Mumbai. While the official strike has ended, many doctors, particularly junior doctors, remain on strike and protests continue to demand justice, accountability and safer working conditions for women.

Kavitha Ravi

What triggered the recent protests against GBV in India?

Protests erupted after the tragic rape and murder of a young female doctor at the R G Kar Medical College in Kolkata on 9 August. This horrific incident shocked the nation and sparked widespread outrage. In response, a coalition of doctors, medical associations such as the IMA and various resident and faculty associations joined together in a nationwide strike to demand justice for the victim and better safety measures for health workers, particularly women who face significant risks in the workplace.

Protesters are calling for major reforms, including the adoption of a Hospital Protection Act, which would designate hospitals as safe zones and introduce measures to create a safer environment for health workers. Their demands are part of a larger movement to comprehensively address GBV, prevent similar tragedies in the future and create a safer and more supportive working environment for everyone in the health sector.

What steps have been taken so far to ensure justice and the safety of female health workers?

The judicial system has acted swiftly by transferring the case to a higher authority to ensure a thorough investigation after concerns were raised about the police’s initial inquiry, which was not accepted by the students or the victim’s family. They were sceptical, believing the police might be favouring the college authorities and supporting the accused.

This decision aims to ensure a detailed investigation so justice can be done. The Supreme Court of India is also overseeing the case to monitor its progress, address any issues that may arise and ensure all necessary steps are taken to uphold justice.

In parallel, several initiatives are underway to improve the safety of female health workers. The Ministry of Health has proposed establishing a committee to review and improve safety protocols in health facilities. There are also plans to increase security in hospitals and establish a new national taskforce dedicated to improving safety through better infrastructure, advanced technology and additional security measures. However, despite these efforts, more needs to be done to combat GBV and ensure that these measures effectively protect female health workers.

How have the authorities responded to the protests?

The authorities have taken a mixed approach to the nationwide strike, combining concessions with new measures to address immediate concerns. The Health Ministry has drawn up a detailed plan to increase security in central government hospitals. This includes installing high-resolution CCTV cameras, monitoring access points with identification badges, deploying trained security personnel for constant patrolling and securing duty rooms for female staff. Hospitals are also encouraged to develop and regularly update emergency response plans and conduct mock drills.

In response to these measures, the IMA suspended its strike. However, other doctors’ associations have continued to protest for more substantial reforms. Many people remain dissatisfied, particularly after recent incidents of police violence. While the Supreme Court’s intervention may have temporarily eased the tensions, protesters remain concerned about the new measures’ effectiveness and full implementation.

Why is GBV so prevalent in India, and what’s being done about it?

Deep-rooted cultural, social, economic and legal factors account for the high prevalence of GBV in India. This is a patriarchal country where traditional gender roles and the subjugation of women are deeply entrenched. Women tend to be economically dependent on men, which traps them in abusive relationships that make it difficult for them to seek help or escape. Intergenerational cycles of violence perpetuate the problem, as children who witness or experience abuse may come to see such behaviour as normal.

Low literacy rates, particularly in rural areas, further limit women’s understanding of their rights and the available support. When they do seek justice, the system often fails to protect the victims or hold perpetrators accountable. Systemic failures in law enforcement and justice help perpetuate GBV.

Many initiatives and campaigns have helped highlight and address this issue. But it has not been easy. A lack of consistent political will and weak implementation of policies have hindered substantial change. Feminist and social justice movements often face resistance from conservative parts of society, making it difficult to change these deeply entrenched cultural norms.

To combat GBV effectively, we need a comprehensive approach that includes better education, legal reform, economic empowerment and cultural change. Civil society organisations are at the forefront of this fight, actively advocating for stronger laws, better enforcement and increased public awareness. Continued and robust efforts are essential to address this widespread problem and ensure meaningful change.

Civic space in India is rated ‘repressed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

Get in touch with the Indian Medical Association through its website or Facebook page, and follow @IMAIndiaOrg on Twitter.

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New Zealand: Māori Rights in the Firing Line

Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Economy & Trade, Education, Environment, Featured, Headlines, Health, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Credit: Dave Lintott / AFP via Getty Images

LONDON, Sep 2 2024 (IPS) – A New Zealand bill that would roll back Indigenous rights is unlikely to pass – but it’s emblematic of a growing climate of hostility from governing politicians. A recent survey shows that almost half of New Zealanders believe racial tensions have worsened under the right-wing government in power since December 2023.


The Treaty Principles Bill reinterprets the principles of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. New Zealand’s founding text, this agreement between the British government and Indigenous Māori chiefs established British governorship over the islands in return for recognition of Māori ownership of land and other property.

The treaty was controversial from the start: its English and Māori versions differ in crucial clauses on sovereignty. Māori people lost much of their land, suffering the same marginalisation as Indigenous people in other places settled by Europeans. As a result, Māori people live with higher levels of poverty, unemployment and crime, and lower education and health standards, than the rest of the population.

From the 1950s, Māori people began to organise and demand their treaty rights. This led to the 1975 Treaty of Waitangi Act, which defined a set of principles derived from the treaty and established the Waitangi Tribunal to determine breaches of the principles and recommend remedies.

In recent years, right-wing politicians have criticised the tribunal, claiming it’s overstepping its mandate – most recently because it held a hearing that concluded the bill breaches treaty principles.

Change in direction

The bill resulted from a coalition agreement forged after the 2023 election. The centre-right National party came first and went into government with two parties to its right: the free-market and libertarian Act party and the nationalist and populist NZ First party. Act demanded the bill as a condition of joining the coalition.

The election was unusually toxic by New Zealand standards. Candidates were subjected to racial abuse and physical violence. A group of Māori leaders complained about unusually high levels of racism. Both Act and NZ First targeted Māori rights, promising to reverse Labour’s progressive policies, including experiments in ‘co-governance’: collaborative decision-making between government and Māori representatives. Act and NZ First characterised such arrangements as conferring racial privilege on Māori people, at odds with universal human rights.

NZ First leader Winston Peters – who’s long opposed what he characterises as special treatment for Māori people despite being Māori himself – pledged to remove Māori-language names from government buildings and withdraw New Zealand’s support for the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. He’s compared co-governance to apartheid and Nazi racial theory. He’s now New Zealand’s deputy prime minister.

New Zealand, though far from Europe and North America, has shown it isn’t immune from the same right-wing populist politics that seek to blame a visible minority for all a country’s problems. In the northern hemisphere the main targets are migrants and religious minorities; in New Zealand, it’s Indigenous people.

Bonfire of policies

If the bill did succeed, it would preclude any interpretation of the treaty as a partnership between the state and Māori people. It would impose a rigid understanding that all New Zealanders have the same rights and responsibilities, inhibiting measures to expand Māori rights. And without special attention, the economic, social and political exclusion of Māori people will only worsen.

The problems go beyond the bill. In February, the government abolished the Māori Health Authority, established in 2022 to tackle health inequalities. In July, a government directive ordered Pharmac, the agency that funds medicines, to stop taking treaty principles into account when making funding decisions. This is part of a broader attack on treaty principles, which the government has pledged to remove from most legislation.

Government departments have been ordered to prioritise their English-language names and communicate primarily in English, unless they’re specifically focused on Māori people. The government has pledged to review the school curriculum – revised last year to place more emphasis on Māori people – and university affirmative action programmes. It’s ceased work on He Puapua, its strategy to implement the UN Declaration.

The government has cut funding for most of its initiatives for Māori people. In all, over a dozen changes are planned, including in environmental management, health and housing.

What’s bad for Māori people is also bad for the climate. The intimate role the environment plays in Māori culture often puts them on the frontline of combating climate change. This year a Māori activist won a ruling allowing him to take seven companies to court over their greenhouse gas emissions, based in part on their impact on places of customary, cultural and spiritual significance to Māori people..

But the new government has cut funding for many projects aimed at meeting New Zealand’s Paris Agreement commitments. It plans to double mineral exports and introduce a law to fast-track large development projects, without having to navigate environmental safeguards. The draft law contains no provisions about treaty principles. Māori people will be disproportionately affected by any weakening of environmental standards.

Out in numbers

This is all shaping up to be a huge setback for Māori rights that can only fuel and normalise racism – but campaigners aren’t taking it quietly. The threat to rights has galvanised and united Māori campaigners.

Civil society groups are taking to the courts to try to halt the changes. And people are protesting in numbers. In December, when parliament met for the first time since the election, thousands gathered outside to condemn anti-Māori policies. At the swearing-in ceremony, Te Pāti Māori politicians broke with convention by dedicating their oaths to the Treaty of Waitangi and future generations.

That same month, 12 people were arrested following a protest in which they defaced an exhibition on the treaty at the national museum. Protesters accused the exhibition of lying about the treaty’s English version.

On 6 February, Waitangi Day, over a thousand people marched to the site where the treaty was agreed, calling for the bill to be rejected. At the official ceremony, people heckled Peters and Act leader Peter Seymour when they spoke.

Most recently, Māori people had a chance to show their discontent at a ceremony held in August to commemorate the coronation of the Māori King. Although normally all major party leaders attend, Seymour wasn’t invited, and a Māori leader told Prime Minister Christopher Luxon that the government had ‘turned its back on Māori’. The Māori King also called a rare national meeting in January, and the turnout – 10,000 people – further showed the extent of concern.

Wasted potential

At the same time, the Māori population is growing quickly – it recently passed the million mark – and is youthful. Compared to previous generations, people are more likely to embrace their Māori identity, culture and language. Māori people are showing their resilience, and activism has never been stronger. But this growing momentum has hit a political roadblock that threatens to throttle its potential – all for the sake of short-term political gain.

New Zealand’s positive international reputation is on the line – but it doesn’t have to be this way. The government should start acting like a responsible partner under the Treaty of Waitangi. It must abide by the treaty principles, as developed and elaborated over time, and stop scapegoating Māori people.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

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VIETNAM: ‘Human Rights Conditions Will Likely Worsen as the Country Descends into a Police State’

Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Environment, Featured, Global Geopolitics, Headlines, Human Rights, Labour, TerraViva United Nations

Aug 29 2024 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses recent leadership changes in Vietnam with David Tran, coordinator of the Alliance for Vietnam’s Democracy, a civil society platform that promotes democracy in Vietnam and the region through international cooperation and the strengthening of local civil society.


On 3 August, President Tô Lâm was confirmed as General Secretary of the Communist Party, Vietnam’s top position, following the death of long-serving General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng. Lâm, who has been president since May, is known for leading an aggressive anti-corruption campaign that has seen many officials jailed and others forced to resign. He will continue as president while assuming the duties of general secretary, potentially enabling him to consolidate power ahead of the 2026 party congress, which will choose Vietnam’s top leaders for the next five years. Civil society fears the regime could become even more autocratic and repressive if Lâm retains both positions.

David Tran

What’s Vietnam’s political system like, and what’s the likely impact of the recent leadership change?

Vietnam is an authoritarian one-party state led by the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP). There are four key positions of authority: the president, who is the ceremonial head of state, the prime minister, who heads the government, the chair of the National Assembly, the unicameral legislature, and the most powerful, the general secretary of the VCP.

Although the president is elected by the National Assembly, this body is overwhelmingly made up of VCP members, who usually approve all incumbents unopposed. On 3 August, following the death of the last VCP general secretary, Nguyễn Phú Trọng, Tô Lâm was confirmed as the new VCP leader.

This appointment is particularly significant because it puts a lot of power in the hands of one person. His dual role gives Tô Lâm considerable influence over the state and party, as well as greater control over the public security apparatus. While he appears set to continue the policies of his predecessor, there are several cracks beneath the surface. His power is likely to be challenged by several VCP members who’ve been forced into retirement by his ‘anticorruption’ campaign, effectively an initiative to eliminate competing factions. We can expect this infighting to continue and intensify.

What does Tô Lâm’s rise mean from a human rights perspective?

Tô Lâm has had a long career, including stints as minister of public security and a member of the politburo. The key role he played in the previous general secretary’s ‘anticorruption’ campaign saw him elected president in May, after his investigations into several high-profile politicians and businesspeople led to the resignation of his predecessor and other top officials.

The accumulation of power in the hands of the architect of a purge is unlikely to lead to improvements in civic space or human rights. Tô Lâm has been closely associated with the worsening human rights situation, as the Formosa and the Trinh Xuan Thanh cases clearly illustrate.

In April 2016, the Formosa company caused an environmental disaster when it discharged heavily polluted waste off Vietnam’s central coast. This caused widespread damage in at least four provinces and sparked protests. Instead of prosecuting Formosa, Tô Lâm, then minister of public security and in charge of the environmental police, suppressed peaceful protests and had 220 people sentenced to a total of 133 years in prison, not including probation after release. He said he was protecting Formosa from what he called ‘hostile forces’ – essentially anyone who criticised the company.

The second case involves Trinh Xuan Thanh, a former vice chair of Hau Giang Province, who fled to Germany in 2016 after being accused of ‘deliberately violating state regulations, causing serious consequences’. He was abducted on German soil by the Vietnamese secret service, which is under the Ministry of Public Security, and returned to Vietnam. Tô Lâm was directly involved in this operation, which Germany condemned as a ‘scandalous violation’ of its sovereignty and a ‘gross breach of international law’.

Given Tô Lâm’s track record, we expect human rights conditions to worsen under his leadership as Vietnam descends into a police state where human rights and the rule of law are ignored. The already limited space for civil society in Vietnam has shrunk under his watch, and we expect this trend to continue.

What are the challenges facing civil society in Vietnam?

Tô Lâm’s rise to power has been marked by his consistent efforts to stifle dissent. Under his leadership, the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Public Security, have increasingly tightened their grip on civil society organisations (CSOs). They have implemented new decrees that overregulate the registration and management of foreign CSOs and applied stricter rules to domestic organisations.

They have also weaponised tax laws and the criminal code to target civil society leaders, charging them with offences such as tax evasion and ‘abuse of democratic freedoms’. This has led to the imprisonment of prominent activists, including environmental and labour rights advocates.

Independent CSOs are subject to strict surveillance, with some being dismantled or forced to reorganise to conform to the authorities. This was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which the authorities used as a pretext to impose further restrictions on civil society under the guise of public health measures.

Despite this repressive environment, some social service CSOs and philanthropic groups continue to operate and strive to make a positive impact. But their independence is severely restricted as they and their activists are constantly targeted.

What international support does Vietnam’s civil society need?

Human rights organisations and international bodies have raised concerns about the shrinking space for civil society in Vietnam. They have called for respect for freedoms of assembly, association and expression and urged the authorities to ease restrictions. While these statements are important, they must be accompanied by trade sanctions and other enforcement mechanisms. Words alone are not enough.

Unfortunately, human rights in Vietnam are also falling victim to geopolitics. As tensions with China escalate, the USA is increasingly seeing Vietnam as a counterweight to China. In this context, human rights and civic space are often sidelined, if not ignored altogether. We believe that a democratic Vietnam would be the best partner and ally in promoting a peaceful, open and stable Indo-Pacific region.

Even if Tô Lâm has a long way to go before he reaches a position comparable to Xi Jinping’s in China, consolidation of power is a general trend we’re seeing among the region’s communist states. Oddly enough, given how these two leaders came to power, it could be a sign that pressure for human rights and civic space, both domestically and internationally, is working. If the authorities feel compelled to respond by consolidating power and positioning figures like Tô Lâm to counter these movements, there is still hope we are on the right track.

Civic space in Vietnam is rated ‘closed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

Get in touch with the Alliance for Vietnam’s Democracy through its webpage or Facebook page.

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