UN Must Reclaim Multilateral Governance from Pretenders

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Opinion

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Aug 24 2023 (IPS) – International governance arrangements are in trouble. Condemned as ‘dysfunctional’ by some, multilateral agreements have been discarded or ignored by the powerful except when useful to protect their interests or provide legitimacy.


Economic multilateralism under siege
Undoubtedly, many multilateral arrangements have become less appropriate. At their heart is the United Nations (UN) system, conceived in the last year of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s presidency and World War Two.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

The 1944 UN conference at Bretton Woods sought to build the foundations for the post-war economic order. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) would create conditions for lasting growth and stability, with the World Bank financing post-war reconstruction and post-colonial development.

The Bretton Woods agreement allowed the US Federal Reserve Bank (Fed) to issue dollars, as if backed by gold. In 1971, President Richard Nixon repudiated the US’s Bretton Woods obligations. With US military and ‘soft’ power, widespread acceptance of the dollar since has effectively extended the Fed’s ‘exorbitant privilege’.

This unilateral repudiation of US commitments has been a precursor of the fate of some other multilateral arrangements. Most were US-designed, some in consultation with allies. Most key privileges of the global North – especially the US – continue, while duties and obligations are ignored if deemed inconvenient.

The International Trade Organization (ITO) was to be the third leg of the post-war multilateral economic order, later reaffirmed by the 1948 Havana Charter. Despite post-war world hegemony, the ITO was rejected by the protectionist US Congress.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) became the compromise substitute. Recognizing the diversity of national economic capacities and capabilities, GATT did not impose a ‘one-size-fits-all’ requirement on all participants.

But lessons from such successful flexible precedents were ignored in creating the World Trade Organization (WTO) from 1995. The WTO has imposed onerous new obligations such as the all-or-nothing ‘single commitment’ requirement and the Agreement on Trade-related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS).

Overcoming marginalization
In September 2021, the UN Secretary-General (SG) issued Our Common Agenda, with new international governance proposals. Besides its new status quo bias, the proposals fall short of what is needed in terms of both scope and ambition.

Problematically, it legitimizes and seeks to consolidate already diffuse institutional responsibilities, further weakening UN inter-governmental leadership. This would legitimize international governance infiltration by multi-stakeholder partnerships run by private business interests.

The last six decades have seen often glacially slow changes to improve UN-led gradual – mainly due to the recalcitrance of the privileged and powerful. These have changed Member State and civil society participation, with mixed effects.

Fairer institutions and arrangements – agreed to after inclusive inter-governmental negotiations – have been replaced by multi-stakeholder processes. These are typically not accountable to Member States, let alone their publics.

Such biases and other problems of ostensibly multilateral processes and practices have eroded public trust and confidence in multilateralism, especially the UN system.

Multi-stakeholder processes – involving transnational corporate interests – may expedite decision-making, even implementation. But the most authoritative study so far found little evidence of net improvements, especially for the already marginalized.

New multi-stakeholder governance – without meaningful prior approval by relevant inter-governmental bodies – undoubtedly strengthens executive authority and autonomy. But such initiatives have also undermined legitimacy and public trust, with few net gains.

All too often, new multi-stakeholder arrangements with private parties have been made without Member State approval, even if retrospectively due to exigencies.
Unsurprisingly, many in developing countries have become alienated from and suspicious of those acting in the name of multilateral institutions and processes.

Hence, many in the global South have been disinclined to cooperate with the SG’s efforts to resuscitate, reinvent and repurpose undoubtedly defunct inter-governmental institutions and processes.

Way forward?
But the SG report has also made some important proposals deserving careful consideration. It is correct in recognizing the long overdue need to reform existing governance arrangements to adapt the multilateral system to current and future needs and requirements.

This reform opportunity is now at risk due to the lack of Member State support, participation and legitimacy. Inclusive consultative processes – involving state and non-state actors – must strive for broadly acceptable pragmatic solutions. These should be adopted and implemented via inter-governmental processes.

Undoubtedly, multilateralism and the UN system have experienced growing marginalization after the first Cold War ended. The UN has been slowly, but surely superseded by NATO and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), led by the G7 group of the biggest rich economies.

The UN’s second SG, Dag Hammarskjold – who had worked for the OECD’s predecessor – warned the international community, especially developing countries, of the dangers posed by the rich nations’ club. This became evident when the rich blocked and pre-empted the UN from leading on international tax cooperation.

Seeking quick fixes, ‘clever’ advisers or consultants may have persuaded the SG to embrace corporate-dominated multi-stakeholder partnerships contravening UN norms. More recent SG initiatives may suggest his frustration with the failure of that approach.

After the problematic and controversial record of such processes and events in recent years, the SG can still rise to contemporary challenges and strengthen multilateralism by changing course. By restoring the effectiveness and legitimacy of multilateralism, the UN will not only be fit, but also essential for humanity’s future.

IPS UN Bureau

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Moving From Trauma to Healing: Practicing Self-Care in Refugee Camps

Aid, Armed Conflicts, Asia-Pacific, Children on the Frontline, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Education, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, Migration & Refugees, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Migration & Refugees

A young child in Cox’s Bazar engages with her peers at one of BRAC’s Humanitarian Play Labs. CREDIT: BRAC

A young child in Cox’s Bazar engages with her peers at one of BRAC’s Humanitarian Play Labs. CREDIT: BRAC

NEW YORK, Aug 21 2023 (IPS) – A Rohingya woman tells a forum of peer counselors the story of her divorce. A survivor of domestic abuse, she has started a new life alone with her daughter. She has weathered a storm of neighbors telling her she was the problem. Now, she provides the support she didn’t have to other women like her.


Similar scenes occur across refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. Here, BRAC, an international NGO based in Bangladesh, has developed a program to train counselors who can provide mental health services to Rohingya refugees. This includes 200 community members who have begun to practice the psychosocial skills they’ve learned in their own lives.

A Growing Need for Support

Over 900,000 Rohingya have fled to Cox’s Bazar since massive-scale violence against Rohingya in Myanmar’s Rakhine State began in 2017, the UN Refugee Agency reports. The prolonged exposure of the ethnic minority group to persecution and displacement has likely increased the refugees’ vulnerability to an array of mental health issues, a 2019 systematic review found. Their struggles include post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and gender-based violence.

Around the world, there is growing attention to the importance of socio-emotional learning as a skill to help people in areas of crisis cope with challenges. Educators are often tasked not only with providing traditional academic instruction but with building resilience in children. They are asked to create a sense of normalcy in environments that are anything but normal.

The teaching the children need is much more than about reading, writing, and math; but about giving young children a safe space to practice socio-emotional skills. CREDIT: BRAC

“It’s about not only teaching [kids] how to read and how to do mathematics … in these settings, kids and teachers themselves have the need for psychosocial support,” Ramya Vivekanandan, the senior education specialist at the Global Partnership for Education, said.

Teachers, caregivers, and frontline mental health providers are overburdened, Vivekanandan explains. They lack adequate pay, working conditions, and professional development. As they try to support the growing number of people in crisis, who will support them?

For some counselors in Cox’s Bazar, the answer is each other.

Community Care

Even when resources are available, stigmas around mental health can prevent support from being received. Taifur Islam, a Bangladeshi psychologist responsible for mental health training and supervision at BRAC, says people in the communities he works with are rarely taught to identify their feelings. When you are struggling to access basic needs, Islam explains, it is easy to forget that emotional well-being can improve productivity. If a person seeks help, they may be labeled ‘crazy.’

Training people to take care of their own communities can be a powerful way to overcome stigma in a culturally relevant way.

BRAC’s Humanitarian Play Labs were established in 2017 to give Rohingya children a safe space to practice socio-emotional skills through play. Erum Mariam, the executive director of the BRAC Institute of Educational Development, explains that each play lab is tailored to fit the community it serves. Rohingya children now rhyme, chant, and dance in 304 Humanitarian Play Labs across the camps in Cox’s Bazar.

“We discovered the Rohingya culture through the children. And the whole model is based on knowing the culture,” Mariam said.

‘Play leaders’ are recruited from the camps and trained in play pedagogy. Mariam watched Rohingya women who had never worked before embracing their new roles. As they covered the ceilings of their play spaces with rainbows of flowers – the kind of tapestry that would hang from their homes in Myanmar – Mariam realized that a new kind of social capital could be earned by nurturing joy. Traditional play didn’t just help uprooted children shape their sense of identity – it was also healing for the community.

If a play leader notices a child is withdrawn or restless, they can refer the child to a ‘para counselor’ who has been trained by BRAC’s psychologists to address the mental health needs of children and their family members. Almost half of the 469 para counselors in Cox’s Bazar are recruited from the Rohingya community, while the rest come from around Bangladesh. Most para counselors are women.

Many para counselors are uniquely positioned to empathize with the people they serve as they go door to door, building awareness. This is crucial because it creates a bottom-up system of care without prescribing what well-being should look like, Chris Henderson, a specialist on education in emergencies, says.

At the same time, by supporting others, mental health providers are learning to take care of themselves.

Learning by Doing

A play leader engages the children in the session. Humanitarian professionals encourage frontline teachers, caretakers, and counselors to actualize their own ideas for improvement. CREDIT: BRAC

A play leader engages the children in the session. Humanitarian professionals encourage frontline teachers, caregivers, and counselors to actualize their own ideas for improvement. CREDIT: BRAC

For months, Suchitra Rani watched violence against Rohingya people every time she turned on the news. When she was recruited by BRAC to become a para counselor in Cox’s Bazar, she saw an opportunity to make a difference. Alongside fellow trainees, Rani, a social worker originally from Magura, poured over new words she learned in the foreign Rohingya dialect and worked to find her place in the community.

Rani tested what she had learned about the value of psychosocial support and cultural sensitivity when she met a 15-year-old Rohingya girl too scared to tell her single mother she was pregnant. Terrified of bringing shame to the family, the girl had an abortion at home. As the young woman spiraled into depression, Rani felt herself slipping into her own fears of inadequacy.

It took time for Rani to convince the girl to open up to her mother. Talking through feelings of guilt slowly led to acceptance. As they worked to heal fractured family bonds, Rani began to feel surer of herself, too.

Now, the Rohingya community calls Rani a “sister of peace.” Rani says she has become confident in her ability to use the socio-emotional skills she’s learned to both help others and resolve problems in her personal life.

Throughout the program, para counselors have changed the way they communicate their feelings and felt empowered to create more empathetic environments.

Islam recounts a 26-year-old Rohingya refugee’s perilous journey to Cox’s Bazar: In Myanmar, the woman’s husband was killed in front of her. One of her two young children drowned during a river crossing as they fled the country. She arrived at the camp as a single mother without a support network. Only once she had the support of others willing to listen could she speak openly.

Islam remembers counselors telling the woman about the importance of self-care: “If you actually take care of yourself, then you can take care of your child also.”

Toward Empowerment 

According to Henderson, evidence shows that one of the best ways to support someone is to give them a role to help others. In places where there may be a stigma against prioritizing ‘self-care,’ people with their own post-crisis trauma are willing to learn well-being skills to help children.

A collection of teacher stories collected by the Inter-agency Network for Education in Emergencies reveals a similar pattern. Teachers in crisis areas around the world say the socio-emotional skills they learned to help students helped them reduce stress in their own lives, too.

Henderson suggests that the best way international agencies can promote trauma support is by holding up a mirror to the strength already shown by refugee communities like the Rohingya.

Instead of seeing what they lack, Henderson encourages humanitarian professionals to help give frontline teachers, caregivers, and counselors the agency to actualize their own ideas for improvement. Empowered community leaders empower the young people they work with, who, in turn, learn to empower each other. This creates “systems where everyone sees their position of leadership as supporting the next person’s leadership and resilience.”

At the end of her para counselor training, the Rohingya domestic abuse survivor said she wasn’t sure what she would do with the skills she’d learned for working through trauma, Islam remembers. But she did say she wished they were skills she had known before. According to Islam, she is now one of their best para counselors.

“The training is not only to serve the community; that training is something that can actually change your life,” Islam says. It’s why he became a psychologist.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Senegal: Democracy in the Balance?

Africa, Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Economy & Trade, Featured, Gender, Headlines, Human Rights, Labour, Press Freedom, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Credit: Zohra Bensemra/Reuters via Gallo Images

LONDON, Aug 18 2023 (IPS) – Civic space is deteriorating in Senegal ahead of next February’s presidential election. Recent protests have been met with lethal violence and internet and social media restrictions. Senegal’s democracy will soon face a key test, and whether it passes will depend largely on whether civic space is respected.


Political conflict

Recent protests have revolved around the populist opposition politician Ousmane Sonko. Sonko came third in the 2019 presidential election and has grown to be the biggest thorn in President Macky Sall’s side. He’s won support from many young people who see the political elite as corrupt, out of touch and unwilling to tackle major social and economic problems such as the country’s high youth unemployment. He’s also been the subject of a recent criminal conviction that his supporters insist is politically motivated.

On 1 June, Sonko was sentenced to two years in jail for ‘corrupting youth’. This resulted from his arrest on rape charges in March 2021. Although he was cleared of the most serious charges – something women’s rights advocates have expressed concern about – his conviction likely makes him ineligible to stand in the next presidential election.

Sonko’s arrest in March 2021 triggered protests in which 14 people died. His conviction set off a second wave of protests. Sonko was arrested again on 28 July on protest-related charges, including insurrection. A few days later, the government dissolved his party, Pastef. It’s the first such ban since Senegal achieved independence in 1960.

All of this gave fresh impetus to Sonko’s supporters, who accuse the government of instrumentalising the judiciary and criminal justice system to stop a credible political threat.

Repressive reaction

The latest wave of protests saw instances of violence, including stone-throwing, tyre burning and looting. The state responded with lethal force. According to civil society estimates, since March 2021 over 30 people have been killed, more than 600 injured and over 700 detained.

In response to the recent protests, the army was deployed in the capital, Dakar. Live ammunition was used and armed people dressed in civilian clothes, evidently embedded with security forces, violently attacked protesters.

Journalists were harassed and arrested while covering protests. Recent years have seen a rise in verbal and physical attacks on journalists, along with legal action to try to silence them. Several journalists were arrested in relation to their reporting on Sonko’s prosecution. Investigative journalist Pape Alé Niang has been jailed three times in less than one year.

The government also limited internet access and TV coverage. TV station Walf TV was suspended over its protest coverage. On 1 June, social media access was restricted and on 4 June mobile internet was shut down for several days. In August, TikTok access was blocked. Restrictions harmed both freedom of expression and livelihoods, since many small traders rely on mobile data for transactions.

Third-term tussle

A major driver of protests and Sonko’s campaign was speculation that Sall might be tempted to seek a third presidential term. The constitution appeared to be clear on the two-term limit, but Sall’s supporters claimed constitutional amendments in 2016 had reset the count. Thousands mobilised in Dakar on 12 May, organised by a coalition of over 170 civil society groups and opposition parties, to demand that Sall respect the two-term limit.

On 3 July, Sall finally announced that he wasn’t running again. But it hasn’t ended suspicion that the ruling Alliance for the Republic (APR) party will go to any lengths stay in power, including using the state’s levers to weaken the opposition.

There’s precedent here: ahead of the Sall’s re-election in 2019, two prominent opposition politicians who might have presented a serious challenge were excluded. In both cases, barely weeks before the election the Constitutional Council ruled them ineligible due to prior convictions on corruption charges that were widely believed to have been politically motivated.

That Sonko and Pastef might have stood a chance in 2024 was suggested by the results of votes in 2022. In local elections, the APR lost control of Dakar and Sonko was elected mayor of Ziguinchor city. And then in parliamentary elections, the APR lost 43 of its 125 seats and Pastef finished second, claiming 56 seats, leaving no party with a majority.

Reputation on the line

Senegal long enjoyed an international reputation for being a relatively stable and democratic country in a region that’s experienced numerous democratic setbacks. With West African countries such as Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and now Niger under military control, and others like Togo holding deeply flawed elections, Senegal stood out. It’s held several free elections with changes of power.

The country’s active and youthful civil society and relatively free media have played a huge part in sustaining democracy. When President Abdoulaye Wade sought an unconstitutional third term in 2012, social movements mobilised. The Y’en a marre (‘I’m fed up’) movement got out the youth vote to oust Wade in favour of Sall. Wade himself rode a similar youth wave in 2000. So Sall and his party are surely aware of the power of social movements and the youth vote.

A small step forward was taken recently when parliament voted to allow the two opposition candidates who’d been blocked in 2019 to stand in 2024. But the government needs to do much more to show its commitment to democratic rules.

Upholding protest rights would be a good start. The repeated use of violence and detention of protesters points to a systemic problem. No one has been held to account for killings and other rights violations. It’s high time for accountability.

Media freedoms need to be respected and people detained for exercising their civic freedoms must be released. For Senegal to live up to its reputation, Sall should strive to enter history as the president who kept democracy alive – not the one who buried it.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

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Caribbean Matters: Get to know the red, black, and green Pan-African flag

Red-, black-, and green-striped flags are ubiquitous at Black protests in the U.S. Those three colors are also found at Black-centered celebrations like Juneteenth. They are also the colors chosen for the flags of many African nations after they freed themselves from European colonialism. These colors represent the movement of Pan-Africanism.

What isn’t as familiar is the history of how those colors were chosen, and the background behind the flags that bear them. Many people with an interest in Black history may be unaware of the backstory. It’s unlikely this history will be taught in the states that are upping their attacks against the teaching of Black history. 

RELATED STORY: Caribbean Matters: Hey DeSantis, by attacking Black history you’re attacking Caribbean Floridians

Caribbean Matters is a weekly series from Daily Kos. If you are unfamiliar with the region, check out Caribbean Matters: Getting to know the countries of the Caribbean.

On Aug. 13, 1920, the Pan-American flag was adopted by Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association, commonly referred to as the UNIA. Thursday also marks Garvey’s 136th birthday: He was born on Aug. 17, 1887 in Saint Ann’s Bay, Jamaica.

RELATED STORY: Caribbean Matters: The powerful legacy of Marcus Garvey and the movement to have him pardoned

Before diving into the Pan-American flag’s history, check out this five-minute video biography reviewing Garvey’s history and impact from YouTuber Andscape’s “And the Know” series.

In this episode we look at the impact that Marcus Garvey had as the first international pan-African leader with a militant response against white supremacy. The early 1900s were an era of racial terror for African Americans, but Garvey had the courage to stand toe-to-toe against anyone in the way of Black liberation.

NPR’s “Code Switch” editor Leah Donnella wrote an in-depth story on the Pan-African flag’s history for Flag Day 2017. 

Garvey and the UNIA framed the need for a flag in a political context, [historian and Marcus Garvey scholar Dr. Robert] Hill explains. “Everybody immediately seeing that flag would recognize that this is a manifestation of black aspirations, black resistance to oppression.”

Some years earlier, white minstrel singers were expressing the importance of flags as a matter of racial pride: In 1900, Will A. Heelan and J. Fred Helf composed a popular song called “Every Race Has a Flag But the Coon.”

The refrain was:

“Bonny Scotland loves a thistle,
Turkey has her crescent moon,
and what won’t Yankees do for the old red, white and blue?
Every race has a flag but the coon.”
 

The lyrics suggest that at the time, four decades after emancipation, many white people still didn’t consider black people full citizens of the United States — or any country, for that matter.

The creation of a flag, then, was a step for black people around the world to claim an identity in their own right. Michael Hanchard, a professor of Africana Studies at the University of Pennsylvania, says that flags are important because they symbolize the union of governance, people and territory. For black people, the flag means “that they have some way of identifying themselves in the world. And… to also project to those people who are not members of this particular national community that they too belong, that they have membership in a world of communities, a world of nations.”

“Coons?” Oh, hell no! If I’d heard that racist ditty I’d also have instantly been thinking about why we needed a flag of our own.

Tulane University graduate student Sydney Clark wrote last year about the flag’s global symbolism for Best Colleges.

Why the Pan-African Flag Matters to Black History

Today, the Pan-African flag is still a symbol of political activism. Its deep history as a marker of Black liberation and its use throughout prior civil rights movements lend power to people who wave the flag in 2022. Used in countless movements intended to end the Black American struggle, the flag is simultaneously an indication of the advancements made and the work we still need to do to achieve justice.

The Pan-African flag is also recognized outside the U.S. During the late 20th century, many newly liberated countries on the African continent used the Pan-African colors as a basis for their own newly minted flags, including Kenya, Libya, and Malawi. Kwanzaa, Juneteenth, and other Black American celebrations also use the colors of the flag within their paraphernalia and symbology.

Iconography is an important part of many cultures. The Pan-African flag has established a precedent for how Black Americans can identify their specific traditions and history. For many in the Black community, the flag is a symbol of pride, unification, and changemaking.

The red in the flag stands for the blood that we share as African peoples, and for the blood we have shed fighting to be free. Black represents Black people in both Africa and the global diaspora. Finally, the green symbolizes both growth and fertility.

In 1973 musician and composer Roy Ayers paid tribute to the colors and flag with “Red, Black & Green.”

Lyrics:

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red is for the eastern side
Red is for the blood we share
Red is for our thousands dead
Red is for our liberty
We fight for our own nation yeah

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Black is for the mother land
Black is for the proud black man
Black is for the beautiful face
Of a proud and beautiful place
Black is for the soil we need
So a nation we can feed

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Green is for the seed of freedom planted in our minds
Green is for that seed to grow free from all the fires
Green is for the earth to feel –

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

Red black and green
If you think about it you know what I mean

If you think about it you know what I mean
If you think about it you know what I mean
If you think about it you know what I mean

Pan-Africanism ties the Black peoples of the diaspora to countries in Africa historically, culturally, and politically. It has been interesting to watch increased dialogue and cooperation between the diaspora and the continent. For example, consider the progress and partnership between and among CARICOM members and the heads of African states.

As always, I was uplifted listening to Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley addressing the Afreximbank 30th Anniversary Annual Meetings in Accra, Ghana, in June. She celebrated the historical Pan-African ties between the Caribbean and Black Africa.

I’d love to hear where you learned about the history of the flag (or if you hadn’t before reading this story). Join me in the comments to discuss further, and for the weekly Caribbean News Roundup.

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The Baptist preacher on Trafalgar Square’s Fourth Plinth

John Chilembwe on a Malawi bank note.(Photo: Getty/iStock)

The writer of the Letter to the Hebrews reminds Christians that they are surrounded by a great “cloud of witnesses.” (NRSV) That “cloud” has continued to grow in size since then. In this monthly column we will be thinking about some of the people and events, over the past 2000 years, that have helped make up this “cloud.” People and events that have helped build the community of the Christian church as it exists today.

The history of European colonisation, de-colonisation, and its aftermath, continues to prompt heated debate. In September 2022, a new temporary statue was placed on the Fourth Plinth in London’s historic Trafalgar Square, the fourteenth commission in the Mayor of London’s Fourth Plinth Programme.

Since 2003, the Fourth Plinth has showcased different pieces of artwork every two years. The plinth itself was originally intended to display a statue of King William IV, who reigned from 1830 to 37, but remained empty due to insufficient funds. Today it exhibits temporary artworks which are selected through public consultation and a commissioning group. Its past examples have included artworks as varied as: a dollop of whipped cream with an assortment of toppings; a recreation of a statue destroyed by ISIS; a child on a rocking horse; and a depiction of Nelson’s ship, HMS Victory, inside a large glass bottle stopped with a cork.

However, the installation which was placed there in 2022 (and which will remain there until 2024) provides an insight into an oft-forgotten period of British imperial history. It is entitled “Antelope,” and is the work of Samson Kambalu. The dramatic sculpture restages a photograph of two men which dates from 1914. The two men are Baptist preacher and pan-Africanist John Chilembwe and a European missionary named John Chorley. The photograph was taken outside Chilembwe’s church in Mbombwe village, in what is today southern Malawi.

As in the photograph, Chilembwe is wearing a hat. In so doing, he was defying the colonial convention that Africans should not wear hats in front of white people. It was a fashion convention which embodied political and social expectations that deference should be shown to whites.

There is, though, something more striking about the modern sculpture. This is that Chilembwe is depicted much larger than life, while Chorley is life-size. In fact, his statue stands at five metres, and towers over that of Chorley’s. The disparity is explained on the Mayor of London’s website: “By increasing his scale, the artist elevates Chilembwe and his story, revealing the hidden narratives of underrepresented peoples in the history of the British Empire in Africa, and beyond.”

Most people in the UK today will not previously have heard of John Chilembwe, but his history is intimately intertwined with that of British colonial rule in Africa and, also, with the impact of the First World War on that continent and its peoples.

The impact of the First World War on sub-Saharan Africa

In the popular shared memory of the First World War (1914-18) in the UK, it is largely remembered as a European conflict. The war on the Eastern Front usually only gets attention once we think of the Russian Revolution(s) of 1917. The fronts in Italy, and in the Balkans (where it started), are rarely mentioned. If attention moves beyond the Western Front, it rarely moves further than Gallipoli, with perhaps an excursion into the Middle East via memories of Lawrence of Arabia or imperial forces capturing Jerusalem from the Turks.

When it comes to sub-Saharan Africa, the conflict there rarely makes it onto the popular mental map of the war. And yet the impact of the war there was enormous, as the rival colonial powers fought out localised versions of the conflict which was tearing the European continent apart.

It has been estimated that over 250,000 African soldiers and porters, as well as approximately 750,000 African civilians, died in African campaigns that are largely unknown today outside of Africa. To get some idea of the scale of these casualties, it should be remembered that about 994,000 UK citizens (soldiers and civilians) died in that war.

As an aside, about 25% of the soldiers fighting for the British Crown in the First World War were Indians. But that is another – also often forgotten or sidelined – aspect of the war.

But to return to Africa. As well as the huge human cost, the war dislocated economies and societies in those areas on which it impacted. It also raised questions over the permanence of white European rule, since it was white European nations which were tearing each other apart; and whose attention was now occupied with fighting the conflict. For those within colonial populations already restless under colonial rule and economic exploitation, the war triggered anti-colonial activities. It was one of these that was led by John Chilembwe.

The Chilembwe uprising, 1915

Chilembwe was born sometime in the early 1870s (exact date unknown) and grew up in southern Malawi’s Chiradzulu District. There he was greatly influenced by the work and teaching of Christian missionaries. Among these was a radical missionary named Joseph Booth, whose outlook was summed up as: “Africa for Africans.”

With Booth, Chilembwe travelled to the US where he studied theology and saw, first hand, the struggle of black people for basic rights following the end of slavery. It was a struggle against white-controlled systems that were designed to keep them in a subservient place. This energised him to confront comparable colonial injustices in his homeland.

As an ordained Baptist minister, he established his own church within a context of black African agriculturalists being forced off their ancestral land in order to make room for white farmers. The poorly paid labour on these white-owned farms was carried out by landless black people. It was a land-rights issue replicated across the colonised world.

Chilembwe preached black advancement through hard work and education and was influenced by the ideas of the black American educator Booker T Washington. During the First World War there was huge recruitment of Africans to support the British forces in East Africa.

In Chilembwe’s region, large numbers of black Africans were taken to fight against the German army in what is now Tanzania. Others were employed as porters. Large numbers died of disease. Chilembwe opposed this recruitment and the conditions experienced by fellow Africans. He had earlier been shocked at the British colonial authorities’ lack of care for African refugees who had arrived in Malawi from neighbouring Mozambique, following a famine there which had occurred in 1913.

At the same time as he was beginning to agitate against the latest manifestation of colonial rule. African Christian millenarians in the region – encouraged by what appeared to be an apocalyptic conflict – were preaching that the war would lead to the end of white colonial rule.

Earlier, his mentor Booth had predicted that by 1914 European colonialism would end in Africa; following this, independent black nations would unite with black people in America in common cause against injustice. This was not, strictly speaking, an eschatological vision but it complemented it. However, Booth was a pacifist.

Taken together, it was a powerful mixture of suffering and hope. And the hope was deeply influenced by both gospel principles of the equality of all before God (a belief promoted, but with its social implications often defused, by missionary activity) and Christian end-times beliefs. After Chilembwe was defeated, the British colonial authorities accused him of wanting to create a theocratic state in the Malawian highlands, which suggests they read some millenarian aspirations in his actions.

In January 1915, Chilembwe and his followers rose up against the colonists. The uprising occurred in Nyasaland (modern Malawi). There were relatively few casualties among those attacked by his followers; but a number of white colonists were killed, even if (as some historians argue) Chilembwe was not directly involved in the killings.

Although Chilembwe was a member of the Chewa ethnic group, the brief rebellion pulled in support from several other ethnic groups, including the Yao, Lomwe, Nyanja, Chikunda, Ngoni and Tonga. This was consistent with other pan-African aspects of his life and ideology.

In response, the colonial forces rapidly mobilized. Facing defeat at the hands of the British, Chilembwe and a number of his followers tried to escape into Portuguese East Africa (modern Mozambique). However, many were captured. Following this, forty rebels were executed and 300 imprisoned. Chilembwe himself was shot dead by a police patrol (of fellow Africans, employed by the British) near the border.

The legacy of John Chilembwe

The placing of “Antelope” on the Fourth Plinth has triggered much debate, including explicit opposition. However, it is a fair guess that some of those who oppose its placing there accept the continued existence of statues of white colonists responsible for the subjection of black populations. It is likely that many of those who oppose the erecting of this statue would probably also resist the taking down of other statues. We live in contested times and history and commemoration are at the heart of this turbulence, as they are at the heart of much national myth-making.

Chilembwe was one of the first to lead opposition to colonial rule in Africa. While his revolt was short-lived, its impact reverberated across the continent and among those of African descent living elsewhere under white colonial rule. Today, Chilembwe’s legacy can be seen across the modern state of Malawi. Several roads are named after him and his picture appears on the country’s currency (the kwacha), as well as on stamps. He even has an annual commemorative day and is seen, by many, as a founding figure in the fight for Malawian independence. However, some modern commentators – though recognising his importance – have argued that his uprising was premature and lacked the necessary groundwork of political activism required for resistance to colonial power.

Chilembwe is also considered by many commentators and historians to have influenced a number of later figures involved in black liberation. These include the Jamaican political activist Marcus Garvey and John Langalibalele Dube, who was the founding president of what later became the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

What seems clear is that we should not separate Chilembwe’s political activism from his Christian background as a church leader and preacher. This clearly energised him, since he considered his actions expressed Christian opposition to racially-organised oppressive rule.

However we assess the rights and wrongs of his actions – and of the commemoration of him on the Fourth Plinth – Christian attitudes towards injustice must play a part within the assessment. This raises the very difficult question of what is an appropriate way to express opposition to systemic and powerful forces which subjugate and exploit people. This can make for uncomfortable discussions in our present age. But that these discussions need to take place seems indisputable. Perhaps we can reflect on that – whatever conclusions we reach – as we gaze at those two contrasting figures in Trafalgar Square.

Martyn Whittock is an evangelical historian and a Licensed Lay Minister in the Church of England. As an historian and author, or co-author, of fifty-five books, his work covers a wide range of historical and theological themes. In addition, as a commentator and columnist, he has written for several print and online news platforms; has been interviewed on TV and radio shows exploring the interaction of faith and politics; and appeared on Sky News discussing political events in the USA. Recently, he has been interviewed on several news platforms concerning faith and the Crown in the UK, and the war in Ukraine. His most recent books include: Trump and the Puritans (2020), The Secret History of Soviet Russia’s Police State (2020), Daughters of Eve (2021), Jesus the Unauthorized Biography (2021), The End Times, Again? (2021) and The Story of the Cross (2021). His latest book, Apocalyptic Politics (2022), explores the connection between end-times beliefs and radicalised politics across religions, time, and cultures.

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Drought, sweat and hellish heat: 20 great movies with searing temperatures

As the summer heat intensifies, we look at 20 famous movies, where drought, sweat and sweltering conditions play leading roles.

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Mad Max. An epic saga about a post-apocalyptic and water-scarce world. In each Mad Max movie, water takes on more and more importance. In Mad Max: Fury Road (2015), George Miller turns water — or rather the lack of water — into another character. A spinoff of Mad Max called Furiosa is now in post-production. It follows a younger version of Charlize Theron’s character, with Anya Taylor-Joy in the lead role. Available on HBO Max.

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The Hunt (1966). In this drama, Spanish director Carlos Saura combines the dryness of the landscape with the dryness of the characters’ souls. There is only a small flash of water: a tiny reservoir created for entertainment by Emilio Gutiérrez Caba’s character. The movie is a portrait of Francoism and its moral decay. Available on FlixOlé.

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Do the Right Thing (1989). Summer in New York. It’s hot and humid. As the temperature rises, Spike Lee explores racial conflicts until the situation reaches boiling point. Lee likes movies that take place in the summer, such as Crooklyn and Summer of Sam, because he understands that heat unnerves even the most indolent spirit. Available at Peacock Premium.

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The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind (2019). This movie is the directorial debut of Chiwetel Ejiofor, who expertly produces the remarkable true story. It follows the struggle of a Malawian boy as he tries to find a solution to overcome the drought that is devastating his village and pushing his family to emigrate. Available on Netflix.

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The Book of Eli (2010). Mad Max + Denzel Washington + biblical messianism = The Book of Eli. A lonely guy crosses a devastated United States, carrying precious cargo: a book that could save humanity. Whoever tries to get in the way, pays for it deeply. Available on Netflix.

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Dune (2021-2023). A science fiction classic of worlds without water, of wastelands where every drop is a treasure. A difficult novel to adapt. Denis Villeneuve delivered the first part in 2021 and the sequel will arrive in November. Available on HBO Max.

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Barton Fink (1991). A New York playwright moves to Hollywood to pursue a career in film… and discovers the worst side of the industry, while dealing with a horrifying heat wave. A fast-moving movie directed by the Coen brothers. Available at Amazon Video.

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Law of Desire (1987). “Hose me down. Come on, don’t stop. Hose me! Oh that’s hot.” A movie with a phrase like that had to be included in the list. Carmen Maura asks a street sweeper to wet her with his hose in the middle of a heat wave in Madrid, during a summer of heartbreak and passion. And, like Barton Fink, it also has a critical look at the cinema industry, at least at its creative process. Available on Netflix.

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The Wages of Fear (1953). A classic from French director Henri-Geroges Clouzot. In deep South America, four men transport a shipment of nitroglycerin by road. Every pore of this film oozes sweat and fear. The film was going to be shot in Spain, but its protagonist, Yves Montand, refused in protest of the Franco dictatorship. The Camargue region in France was used instead to present the rugged landscapes of South America. Available on Prime Video and Filmin.

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Falling Down (1993). In the late 1980s, many industries closed in California. That is the breeding ground of Falling Down, or how someone overcomes the threshold of endurance in a big city. Its protagonist, Michael Douglas, is splendid. And it is, incidentally, one of the favorite movies of white supremacists. Available on Apple TV.

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In the Heat of the Night (1967). In the American South, the heat never seems to let up. Racism and high temperatures combine to form a concoction that sticks to the skin of its inhabitants. So much so that this thriller about the investigation of an African-American police officer in a southern city was shot in Illinois because Sidney Poitier refused to travel south, where he had been attacked by the Ku Klux Klan. Fact and fiction went hand in hand. Available at Amazon Video.

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Chinatown (1974). This movie looks at the water business on the outskirts of California. What begins as an adultery investigation ends as a tour of the most corrupt face of the 1930s. A classic of detective film where the investigator is trampled by life. Available on Amazon Video.

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God Forgive Us (2016). It was the summer of 2011, and Pope Benedict XVI was visiting Madrid. As the temperature rises, in this film, two policemen search against time for a serial killer through the center of Madrid, a city at boiling point due to the economic crisis. Available on Netflix, Prime Video, HBO Max and Movistar+.

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Rango (2011). Animated movies also address water scarcity. This is the case for Rango, which follows a chameleon that has been named sheriff of the town of Dirt. Johnny Depp does a great job voicing the lead. Available on SkyShowtime.

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The Seven Year Itch (1955). Summer, heat, seven-year-long marriages. And a character played by Marilyn Monroe as a neighbor. Director Billy Wilder makes the most of the set-up, but the restrictive Hays code (Hollywood’s self-censorship system) stopped him from going all the way. The movie contains the iconic image of Monroe standing on a subway grate as her dress is blown up. For rent on Amazon.

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Cat on a Hot Tin Roof (1958). Richard Brooks directs this adaptation of Tennessee Williams’ play of the same name. Starring Elizabeth Taylor and Paul Newman, the southern drama explores themes of sexual and family tension, issues Williams often returned to. Available on Apple TV.

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Walkabout (1971). Director Nicolas Roeg had a fascinating career, focused on edgy movies. In this one, two brothers from the city end up in the middle of the Australian desert and manage to survive with the help of an Aboriginal kid. Available on Amazon Video.

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Body Heat (1981). A film about sweat and sex. The movie takes place amid a searing heat wave in Florida, and follows a torrid story of lust, adultery and murder. It was Kathleen Turner’s debut as an actress, and also stars William Hurt. Available for rent on Apple TV and Amazon Video.

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A Streetcar Named Desire (1951). A classic about desire amid the unbearable heat. It contains the famous scene of Marlon Brando screaming “Stella” mad with despair. The movie takes place in New Orleans and is based on a play by Tennessee Williams. Available for rent on Amazon Video and Apple TV.

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12 Angry Men (1957). It’s very hot in the courtroom, where a jury is about to sentence a guy to death. Eleven jurors are convinced, but one wants to talk a little more, to reflect on what they are going to do. A masterpiece about suffocation and manipulation, about half-truths and about the tendency of human beings to disdain their fellow men. Available on Fubo TV.

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