Africa Freedom Day:Does It Honour The Ideals Of Pan-Africanism

By Shaddon Chanda

The Pan-African congresses
Every year African countries commemorate Africa Day or Africa Freedom Day which is broadly in honour of the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) established on 25th May 1963 in the Ethiopian capital city Addis Ababa. In the year 2001, Zambia had the rare privilege to host the last OAU Summit held at Mulungushi International Conference Centre chaired by Second Republican President Frederick TJ Chiluba. It was also the last year of President Chiluba as head of state. His successor Levy Mwanswasa was to handover the instruments of chairmanship to South Africa’s Second Black President Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki. It was Mbeki, an intellectual urbane and strong proponent and advocate of Africa Renaissance who became the chairperson of the African Union (AU) which supplanted the aged OAU in 2002. The OAU founder leaders and their successors had done their very best to ensure that the last three countries to attain political freedom in Black Africa namely Zimbabwe (April 1980), Namibia (January 1990) and South Africa (May 1994) got their freedom under majority rule.

The OAU was a product of the ideals of Pan-Africanism championed by great black enthusiastic political warriors such as Edward Wilmot Blyden a preacher and scholar of Liberia, Henry Sylvester Williams, Edward W. Burgardt Dubois, William Marcus Garvey and many others of African descent domiciled in the West Indies and the United States of America. Sylvester Williams, a lawyer and historian from Trinidad was the first person to use the term ‘Pan-Africanism and the first to organize and convene a Pan-African congress in 1900 in London. Dr Williams had extended invitations the men of African descent living in Europe to discuss the evils of white colonialism and white dominance over black peoples, racial prejudice, and the brutal treatment of black people in South Africa (Amate, 1986:34). The conference had to discuss the future of Africa and the international standing of the only three black states existing in the world at that time Haiti, Ethiopia and Liberia. Off the agenda was the pressing question of independence and Burgardt Dubois as a participant took an opportunity to introduce it into the key areas of the discussions and to persuade the congress to to call Britain, the largest colonial power and others with colonies across Africa and the Caribbean. Dubois emphasized on freedom and the right to govern for black people in the colonies of Africa and the West Indies with a deep sense of urgency.

Sylvester Williams died shortly after the first congress he had convened but the work he had pioneered did not go to the grave with him. Dubois took over from where his colleague had left and convened a series of five Pan-African congresses. He meritoriously carried the name ‘Father of Pan-Africanism. He was a practical and competent journalist who used the pen mightily to drive points home that Africa had come of age and needed no white government on the continent. He built up and administered a chain of newspapers which incessantly called for the granting of human rights to all black people treated like lifeless objects by inhuman extremist white people in the Americas, the West Indies and Africa.

Dubois organised congresses in the years 1919 (Paris); 1921 (London); 1923 (two sessions in succession in London and Lisbon); 1927 (New York); and the last one at the end of the Second World War in October 1945 which took place in Manchester, England. Dubois was 73 in 1945 and his vibrancy, radiancy and steam were on the verge of extinction. He remained a mobile spirit behind the influence, effectiveness and unwavering determination to arouse the consciousness of Black Africa to fight racism and colonial rule. The African-Americans and West Indian leaders who had convened the earlier congresses had fallen into the background as aged, ailing and physically weak champions and pacesetters of Pan-Africanism. Time was opportune to hand over the batons to a new breed of young Pan-Africanists.
The Manchester Pan-African Congress had a new team of dynamic and strong young leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah from Ghana; Namdi Azikiwe, S.L. Akintola and Magnus Williams from Nigeria; Peter Abrahams from South Africa; Wallace Johnson from Sierra Leone; and Jomo Kenyatta (Johnston Kamau) from Kenya. Compared to the first batch of Pan-Africanists who had convened the first four congresses, the 1945 congress organisers were radical and militant in their pronouncements on how the pressing issues facing Africa were to be addressed and redressed (Amate, 1986:36). The Manchester Group resoundily declared that all the peoples of Africa and African descent everywhere should be emancipated forthwith from all diabolical and inhuman forms of inhibiting legislation and influences and be reunited with one another.

In Anglophone Africa emerged Pan-African leaders such as Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Obafemi Awolowo and Benjamin Namdi Azikiwe of Nigeria; Kwame Nkrumah, Joseph Boakye Danquah and Kofi Busia of Ghana; Julius K. Nyerere of Tanganyika (now part of Tanzania with Zanzibar); Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Thomas Joseph Mboya and Peter Mbiyu Koinange from Kenya; Apollo Milton Obote and Paulo Muwanga from Uganda; Joshua Nkomo, Robert Mugabe; Simon Mzenda, Josia Chinamano, Ndabaningi Sithole and Nathan Shamuyarira from Southern Rhodesia now Zimbabwe; Kenneth D. Kaunda, Harry M. Nkumbula, Simon M. Kapwepwe, Sikota Wina, Robinson Nabulyato, Munukayumbwa Sipalo, Nalumino Mundia and Hyden Dinguswayo Banda from Northern Rhodesia now Zambia; Kanyama Chiume, Orton Chirwa, Dunduza Chisiza, Henry Masauko Chipembere Chipembere and Yatuta Chisiza from Malawi; and Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Archibald Mbeki, Anthony Lembede, Robert Sobukwe, and Andrew Mlangeni from South Africa.
Francophone Africa had more black leaders who pandered to the whims, caprices and manipulation of the French and Belgians. It had more of inveterate malleable opportunists and culturally colonised, aristocratic elite leaders such as Felix Houphuet-Boigny of Ivory Coast, Leopold Sedar Senghor (credited with the philosophy of negritude), Joseph Mobutu (who became a personality cult after the Belgians in collusion with him and Joseph Kasavubu brutally assassinated Patrice Lumumba who was a radical Pan-Africanist upon him being elected Prime Minister of Congo-Kinshasa) and Gnassimbe Eyadema who killed killed the radical Pan-Africanist Gilchrist Olympio in Togo. Benard Albert Bongo in Gabon who later discarded Christian names and named himself Omar Bongo after being converted to Islam was another great lackey of the French government in Paris in the late 1969s. So was his son-in-law Denis Sassou-Nguesso of Congo Brazzaville. The most radical Pan-Africanist in Francophone Africa with a fundamentalist disposition was Ahmed Sekou Tourre of Guinea in West Africa who refused to truckle to the dictates of the French when he told them: ” We prefer poverty in liberty to riches in slavery”. The French had succeeded in wooing a good number of presidents in Francophone Africa who became part of the French Community of nations but Sekou Tourre flatly and roundly rejected their overtures to submit his country to the enclave of puppet states of the French.

What was the common vision of the Pan-Africanists?

Pan-Africanists from the outset envisioned a united Africa hermetically sealed with people of African descent in the United States, the Caribbean and other parts of the world. They advocated a discovery for recovery of African black pride, sense of humanity and economic liberation from Western manipulation which bound millions of black people to both physical and mental servitude. The patriarchs of Pan-Africanism wanted an economically, politically, socially and ideologically free Africa with total dependence on its own resources and not perpetually bound to the Portuguese, British, French, Belgians, Germany, Spanish or Italian colonialists. A united Africa was their battle cry.
Rodney (1988:135) asserts that in the centuries before colonial rule, Europe had augmented its economic capacity in leaps and bounds while Africa was almost static. The Europeans had displaced and dispossessed Africa of her human resources and the slave labour dislocated from Africa and shipped in chains to America and the Caribbeans provided hard labour services to the slave owners and the European governments which paid them absolutely nothing. Economies in Europe and Americas prospered and the continent stagnated and fell below zero in the long run. The advent of both slave traders and colonial masters afterwards brutally decimated the peasantry and exploited the black people individually sold as slaves and forcefully taken to Europe. The great social evils perpetuated and perpetrated by the Europeans in collusion left so many vestiges of dehumanization, suppression, exploitation and oppression. The evils are still scars on the beautiful face of Africa which will always remind us of the unpardonable acts of slavery and colonial rule. The divide and rule machinations employed by the colonialists made Africa suffer brands of colonial rule as the continent bled to near extinction with hundreds of people barbarically killed for claiming their right to self-rule under a government of the majorities who were black people. The Conference of Berlin convene by Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck of Germany was a gathering of greedy European colonial powers desperate for turning Africa into a poor continent void of all minerals, timber, and intellectual prowess. The Conference decide which thief among the countries gathered should steal which part of Africa without permission from the indigenous owners of the land. The duality of implacable poles which pitied the colonised and the coloniser later influenced the genesis of a new force of radical Africans on the continent and in the diaspora. The colonialists were never ready to give up the countries they stole and the black people with the arousal of political and social consciousness through the vision of Pan-Africanists who emerged in the late 19th century. The visionary Pan-Africanists began an unstoppable revolt against colonial rule which started with the non-violence approach mistaken for weakness by the colonial powers. Round table discussions for political freedom worked in some African countries which were very poor. The mineral-rich as well as the oil-rich countries such as the Congo-Kinshasa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Nigeria, Ghana and many others experienced violence with alarming proportions and in the ultimate the colonialists had to vacate the continent against their will or wish. Victory was on the side of Pan-Africanists and puppets of the whites had to grind their teeth in stunning embarrassment as the forces of oppression always have a divinely-set expiry date.

Are ideals of the Pan-Africanists being honoured on Africa Day?

From 25th May 1963 Africa as a continent has been celebrating its Freedom Day with fanfare highly beautified by defence and security brass bands belting out freedom songs in instrumental lyrics to the temporary amusement and amazement of the people at various stadia and presidential palaces and state houses. The excitement is just ceremonial and for just some hours as political speeches are given in some countries and in countries like Zambia, some citizens and special guests from other countries are honoured for their distinguished services to their country or to Africa. This for over 63 years has been the case and it now looks like a very casual and cheap way of honouring our brave fallen heroes who strove sacrificially for the decolonisation of Africa and total ownership of the wealth of the continent by Africans themselves. Economic freedom which the forefathers and foremothers yearned for is still a pipedream after over a hundred years since Sylvester Williams convened the first Pan African Congress in London in 1900. The West still runs our economies and it is shameful that even the drugs Africans are supposed to manufacture themselves in their sovereign states are donated by the West and the advent of the neophyte extreme white president Donald J. Trump has seen African leaders subjected to agonizing embarrassment even where the art of diplomacy is supposed to be employed, Trump and his lackeys have used vulgarity and uncouth language to depreciate the dignity of the black African personality to the level of wild beasts or brainless apes. The scandals exposed by a foreign donor at the Ministry of Health is just unacceptable and agonizing as a crude embarrassment. We should not shield criminal cartels in any ministry but to be exposed by a benevolent cooperating partner in such a callous manner is disgusting and widely exasperating. Why should we condone such heights of high profile thefts in such key ministries like Health? Are there intensive and extensive audits of drugs supplied to the Ministry of Health? The buck stops at all of us! Pan Africanism must exhort us to be responsible and accountable in the way we discharge our duties and responsibilities. It must speak transparent honesty and integrity as bywords for all the occupants of state offices who must be there to serve the people of Africa and not to steal what belongs to them.

The African Union leaders seem not to be doing much to honour the vision of its founding fathers of its forerunner, the OAU. The unification of Africa into a great continental power to make every African proud and free is still a far-fetched dream darkened by the cloud of greed and treachery perpetrated by ourselves. We always give leverage to Western investors to take control of our economies and pay lip service to promotion of local investments into mining which has been monopolized by Transnational Corporations backed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). We have had great African geniuses running international institutions such as Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iwela, former managing director of the IMF and currently managing director of the World Trade Organization from Nigeria, Obiageli ‘Oby’ Ezekwesili former vice president of the World Bank – Africa Region who also stood as presidential candidate in the 2019 elections of Nigeria an outspoken, blunt-speaking advocate of women’s rights, Nkosana-Dlamimi Zuma former African Union Commissioner and first woman to lead the African Union Secretariat, Chief Emeka Anyouku former Secretary -General of the Commonwealth Group of Nations from Nigeria, Salim Ahmed Salim former Organisation of African Unity (OAU) from Tanzania, late Koffi Attah Annan first black African Secretary -General of the United Nations from Ghana and many more personages who have done wonders for the continent in the continental and regional organisations but our continent still wallows in the muddy waters of underdevelopment with millions barely able to make ends meet as poverty is generating rapidly and rubbing off the little gains nations-states recorded in respect with gross domestic product (GDP) though some countries like Rwanda, Burkina Faso, Uganda and Mauritius seem to be doing very well and shining economically akin to the attainment of Singapore which many countries are looking up to.

The tragedy of Africa is that, unlike the commitment of the founding fathers and pioneers of African unity like Kwame Nkrumah, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa Julius Nyerere, Sekou Tourre, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Gilchrist Olympio, Kenneth Kaunda and Milton Obote among few others, the new breed of political party leaders is more of greed and admiration of long-stay in power to amass personal wealth and enrich their children, leaving a trail of grinding poverty in their paths beyond the solution of their successors. Corruption is more, less a formal and normal practice in government circles. They are devoid of good morals and are overshadowed by the egocentric ambition to rule their nations for life and suppress leaders of the opposition with brazen impunity. Misery is what they deliver to their citizens and forcibly turn themselves into personality cults which swallow the pride of political parties. Their names and political parties they lead become synonymous.

Time has come for the African government leaders to rise to the occasion and honour the ideals of the Pan-Africanists of yesteryear and emulate their great works and principles. The nation-states must enact laws which should ban from participating in national elections for life corrupt leaders found guilty by the courts.

Young Zambians in schools must be enlightened on the importance of Africa Freedom Day and what the founding fathers of the OAU had envisioned about a poverty-free Africa with learned people to protect the continent on the pride of Africa as our Motherland fashioned with and blessed by God’s mighty Hands and emphasise the importance of unity which goes counter to ethnic hostility which has left many African nations scarred beyond recognition. The problems besetting Africa are as wide as the whole world but with a great sense of fortitude, resilience and maximum commitment anchored on deep sense of patriotism and continental unity Africa will awaken into a giant it is supposed to be, like a shining city built on a great hill emitting beacons of hope to all people in squalor, poverty, hunger and ill-health.

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A New Pope at a Pivotal Moment: Civil Society’s Hopes for Leo XIV

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Opinion

Credit: Eloisa Lopez/Reuters via Gallo Images

LONDON, May 22 2025 (IPS) – The new pope, the latest in a line dating back almost 2,000 years, was quickly subjected to a very modern phenomenon: no sooner had Pope Leo XIV delivered his first address than people started trawling his social media history for clues about his views. In the context of an ongoing culture war, the fact that far-right grievance entrepreneurs were quick to decry the new pope as ‘woke’ seemed reason enough for progressives to welcome him. But for civil society and the global human rights community, it’s how Leo acts that matters.


The numbers alone make Leo’s appointment an event of global significance: Catholics make up over 17 per cent of the planet’s population, and they live predominantly in the global south. Catholicism remains overwhelmingly the dominant religion in Latin America, while the faith continues to grow, particularly in Africa.

This gives the pope great moral influence, which he can use for good – such as by urging climate action and mobilising compassion for migrants and refugees – or for ill, including by maintaining restrictions on women’s and LGBTQI+ rights. The pope is unquestionably a global leader. In an era dominated by right-wing populist and nationalist politicians who are attacking human rights, the pope’s voice can offer a vital counterweight.

Pope Francis’s progressive legacy

Pope Francis broke significant new ground. The first Latin American pope, the Argentinian lived modestly. He didn’t shy away from controversy, speaking out to defend the rights of migrants and refugees. He criticised right-wing populism, neoliberal economics and Israel’s assault on Gaza. He urged action on climate change and made moves to enable women to play a greater role in the church and open up the possibility of blessing for people in same-sex relationships.

ON his watch, the papal office became that of an international diplomat, helping negotiate a Cuba-US rapprochement, later reversed. Critics however pointed to his apparent reluctance to call out Vladimir Putin’s aggression as he sought to help negotiate peace between Russia and Ukraine. He also maintained the church’s opposition to ‘gender ideology’, a term routinely used to undermine demands for women’s and LGBTQI+ rights, particularly trans rights.

Though Francis took many progressive positions, that offered no guarantee his successor would follow suit. Historically a pope seen as liberal is often followed by a more conservative one. Francis however moved to make this less likely, appointing 163 cardinals from 76 countries. Many were from global south countries, including several that had never received such recognition, such as El Salvador, Mali and Timor-Leste. He appointed the first Indigenous Latin American cardinal, and the first from India’s excluded Dalit community.

Francis chose 79 per cent of cardinals aged under 80, eligible to vote on the new pope – including Leo, elevated in 2023. For the first time, the conclave had a non-European majority, with Europeans comprising only 52 of the 133 electors.

Francis’s re-engineering may have foreclosed the prospect of a particularly regressive choice. The result was another piece of history, with Leo the first pope from the USA, while his dual citizenship of Peru makes him the first Peruvian one as well. Known as an ally of Francis but a less outspoken figure, he may have emerged as a compromise choice.

Early days: promise and controversy

Leo’s nationality had been assumed to count against him: with the USA being the dominant global power, received wisdom held that the pope should come from elsewhere. In this Trump-dominated era, it’s hard to avoid the feeling that some who picked a US pope were trying to send a message – although time will tell whether it’s one of flattery or defiance.

US right-wingers, many of whom embrace conservative Catholicism – as Vice President JD Vance exemplifies – made clear they knew what the message was, reacting with anger. Another conservative Catholic, Trump’s former strategist Steve Bannon – who routinely vilified Pope Francis – had aggressively lobbied for a conservative appointment, such as Hungarian hardliner Péter Erdő. Trump supporters allegedly promised huge donations if the conclave selected a pope to their liking, then quickly mobilised outrage about the selection of their fellow citizen, vilifying him as a ‘Marxist pope’.

Among the pre-papacy actions they deemed controversial was Leo’s sharing on Twitter/X of a link to a comment piece that disagreed with Vance, who’d argued that Christians should prioritise their love for their immediate community over those who come from elsewhere. Leo had also shared a post criticising Trump and El Salvador’s hardline leader Nayib Bukele over the illegal deportation of migrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia.

In other past posts, he’d supported climate action and appeared to back gun control, defended undocumented migrants and shown solidarity with George Floyd, the Black man whose murder by a police officer in 2020 triggered the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement. Leo’s choice of name also appears to indicate a reformist intent. But on the other side of the ledger, a history of anti-LGBTQI+ comments quickly came to light. Leo is also accused of mishandling past sexual abuse allegations against priests under his supervision.

A moral voice in turbulent times

For civil society, what Leo does next matters more than his social media history. There are some encouraging early signs. Leo has signalled a more sympathetic approach to Ukraine and called for the release of jailed journalists.

The likelihood, if Leo’s career so far is anything to go by, is that he’ll be less outspoken than his predecessor, and more inclined towards negotiation and compromise. But the papacy offers a very different platform to that of a cardinal. Leo should take account of the fact that he’s assumed office at a time of enormous conflict, polarisation and turmoil, where many of the established assumptions about how politics and governance should be conducted are being torn up, and when global institutions and the idea of a rules-based order are coming under unprecedented strain. There’s a moral leadership vacuum in the world right now. He should help fill it.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

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Agenda for Nuclear Non-Proliferation Review Conference Still Unclear

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Nuclear Disarmament

The closing session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2026 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Credit: UN TV

The closing session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2026 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Credit: UN TV

NEW YORK, May 21 2025 (IPS) – The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons must not be allowed to collapse under the weight of geopolitical cynicism, the preparatory committee at the UN heard.


This year, the Third Session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2026 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) (April 28-May 9) was intended to address procedural issues related to the treaty and the upcoming conference next year. The meeting was the third and final preparatory session before the review conference next year. As such, the session was an opportunity for countries to reaffirm the principles of the NPT by agreement.

Throughout the two weeks, delegations expressed their positions and deliberated over recommendations that would shape the agenda for the 2026 conference. Beyond member states, other stakeholders such as civil society groups were emphatic in expressing the urgency of the nuclear issue and calling for member states to take action.

“The continued existence of nuclear weapons remains one of the most urgent and existential dangers facing life on this planet,” said Florian Eblenkamp, an advocacy officer for the International Coalition Against Nuclear Weapons (ICAN). He went further to state, “The non-proliferation norm must not be allowed to collapse under the weight of geopolitical cynicism. If the NPT is to have a future, States Parties must send an unambiguous signal: Nuclear weapons are not to be spread. Not to be shared. Not to be normalized.”

The committee’s chair, Ambassador Harold Agyeman, who serves as the Permanent Representative of Ghana to the United Nations, told reporters early on that the success of the review conference in 2026 would be “dependent on the political will of state parties” in demonstrating progress on their obligations of the treaty and to “strengthen accountability for the related implementation of existing commitments.”

“Indeed, many around the world are concerned by the lack of raw progress on nuclear disarmament, and emerging proliferations risk that could undermine the hard-won norms established to bring about a world free of nuclear weapons and a regime to achieve that goal,” said Agyeman.

The third preparatory session took place in a time of increasing global anxiety over nuclear proliferation and even escalation. The most recent conflict between India and Pakistan has the world on edge that two nuclear powers might engage in war. Since April, Iran and the United States have been in negotiations over a new nuclear deal, which at times has seen both sides at a deadlock over limiting Iran’s nuclear programme.

Given that context, plus pre-existing tensions between other global powers, such as Russia and the war in Ukraine, this session was an opportunity for countries to act with urgency towards non-proliferation and to respect their obligations under the NPT. By the end of the conference, however, it seemed no agreement was reached. Revised recommendations for the review conference failed to reach consensus. This continues a concerning pattern of preparatory meetings that also failed to adopt an outcome.

As the meeting reached its conclusion on May 9, delegations expressed regret that the draft agreement did not reach consensus. “We regret that the desired breakthrough on transparency and accountability in the context of the strengthened due process was not reached,” said one delegate from Egypt. “The discussion was mature and based itself on mutual respect and commitment to multilateralism.

Many delegations made sure to reaffirm their commitment to the NPT and to strengthening the review process. Yet there was also a recurring acknowledgement of the “complex geopolitical situation” that presented a challenge in reaching consensus.

Civil society organizations have also been vocal in their disappointment at the lack of agreement or outcome document. ICAN stated that the lack of an agreement reflected a “horrifying lack of urgency in response to current risks.” Reaching Critical Will went further to criticize nuclear-armed states for refusing to comply with international law and their obligations to the NPT, which calls for them to eliminate nuclear weapons.

The NPT Review Conference (RevCon) is expected to be held in New York from 27 April to 22 May 2026. The PrepComm nominated Vietnam to chair the RevCon. Ambassador Dang Hoang Giang, Permanent Representative of Vietnam to the United Nations, stated that the presidency would be “characterized by inclusive, transparent, and balanced proceedings” that would ensure that the perspectives and interests of all state parties would be respected.

“The road ahead will be challenging, but we remain confident that through collective wisdom and shared determination, meaningful progress is not only possible but achievable. A robust and effective treaty ensures a safer and more secure work for everyone,” said Giang.

The presence—and threat—of nuclear weapons looms large. For good reason, they cannot simply be relegated to history as a relic of hubris and ambition when we can observe their influence in modern geopolitics. If the spirit for nuclear nonproliferation is indeed still there, then the international community must be vigilant in advocating for the NPT and other disarmament treaties, rather than let a small percentage of parties dictate the global agenda. This must be an ongoing process, lest we see the continued undermining of nonproliferation and multilateralism.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

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‘Our Legal Challenge of the Funding Freeze Is Testing the Judiciary’s Ability to Check Executive Power’

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May 19 2025 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS speaks with Eric Bjornlund, President and CEO of Democracy International, about the impacts of the US foreign aid freeze and the resulting legal challenges the Trump administration is facing. Democracy International is a global civil society organisation (CSO) that works for a more peaceful and democratic world.


Upon taking office, Trump immediately suspended all foreign aid and dismantled the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), blocking over US$40 billion in congressionally approved funding. This halted crucial global work in democracy, development, health and human rights. In February, several CSOs, including Democracy International, filed a lawsuit challenging Trump’s legal authority to freeze these funds. Despite a court ruling ordering the release of the money and the restoration of foreign assistance, legal proceedings continue.

Eric Bjornlund

What are the most severe consequences of the funding freeze?

The impact on vital international work on democracy, healthcare, human rights and international development has been devastating and far-reaching. The government has even refused to honour invoices or reimburse legally authorised expenses, including those incurred under the previous administration. With 83 per cent of programmes cancelled, many organisations have been forced to shut their operations.

Health services were among the first to collapse: thousands of healthcare workers were dismissed, with essential medicine and food aid left stockpiled and expiring, being damaged or stolen. This has increased deaths from HIV/AIDS and malaria and left reproductive health needs unmet.

Beyond healthcare, the damage spans multiple sectors: education for girls cut, demining operations suspended, Ukrainian refugee shelters compromised, protection for minors from gang recruitment in Central America terminated, cybersecurity in Ukraine halted and support for civil society opposing authoritarian violence in Myanmar ended. Even efforts tracking zoonotic diseases in Bangladesh have ceased.

How has Democracy International been affected?

With 98 per cent of our 2024 revenue from USAID, we’ve been crippled. Despite a federal court declaring the terminations unlawful, all our programmes have been cancelled, forcing staff furloughs, office closures and delayed payments.

The human cost has been immense. In Bangladesh, we’ve discontinued medical assistance to students injured during protest crackdowns. In Burkina Faso, the lives of human rights defenders documenting violence against Christian communities are at risk because we can no longer relocate them. The same lack of crucial support is affecting Nicaraguan political prisoners, state violence victims in Mozambique, government critics in the Philippines and democracy advocates in Tanzania. In Jamaica, over 500 vulnerable young people risk being recruited by gangs without our counselling services, apprenticeship opportunities and vocational skills-building training.

We’ve also been forced to abandon critical governance initiatives. We’ve suspended support for Bangladesh’s post-authoritarian transition, legal assistance for civil society navigating foreign agent laws in Kyrgyzstan, funding coordination for displaced Armenians and democracy leadership in Libya.

Beyond immediate harms, this has broken the trust of communities we’ve supported for years, undermined civil society credibility and surrendered significant political influence to authoritarian powers such as China and Russia.

What collective action has civil society taken?

The freeze blindsided us, but we quickly recognised the need for a coordinated response. We’ve partnered with former USAID officials – particularly those whose work focused on democracy and human rights – to advocate for foreign aid restoration and defend democracy and the rule of law in the USA. We’ve also worked with USAID implementing partners, consulted global experts and sought to identify new funding opportunities.

But our strongest strategy has been legal action. We joined a coalition of USAID partners to file a lawsuit that secured a temporary restraining order in February and a preliminary injunction in March, ordering the government to resume payments and restore funding.

Despite our case reaching the Supreme Court, the administration has largely failed to comply, creating a constitutional crisis that’s testing the judiciary’s ability to check executive power. While legal action remains central to our strategy, we recognise the need for congressional involvement to achieve a sustainable solution.

What are your legal arguments?

We challenge the government on multiple grounds. First, we argue the blanket termination of foreign assistance under the Administrative Procedure Act is both arbitrary and unlawful. Second, we contend this action fundamentally breaches the constitutional separation of powers. Neither the President, Secretary of State nor USAID Administrator has legal authority to unilaterally withhold appropriated funds or dismantle a statutory agency.

The administration has violated both Congress’s exclusive power over spending and its shared foreign policy role. The Impoundment Control Act explicitly prohibits defunding programmes based merely on policy preferences without following strict procedural requirements.

The court has agreed with our position that no rational basis exists for such a sweeping freeze if the stated purpose was merely to review programmes’ efficiency and consistency. The government has also disregarded organisations’ significant reliance on these funds, forcing many to close permanently.

How can democratic institutions be strengthened against such overreach?

Constitutional checks and balances function only when all branches respect them. Congress must defend its spending authority, courts must continue asserting their oversight role and ultimately, the executive must respect the rule of law. But whether it will do so remains uncertain.

If this situation persists unresolved, the humanitarian toll will continue mounting globally while the security, prosperity and global standing of the USA deteriorate. Robust accountability mechanisms and institutional safeguards are essential to protect aid systems globally and democracy at home.

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How Mangroves Save Lives, Livelihoods of Bangladesh Coastal Communities

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Climate Change Justice

Golenur Begum watched her house being washed away twice by powerful storms that hit the coastal village of Sinharatoli in southwestern Bangladesh. Now the women from her village and others are climate-proofing their communities by planting mangroves.

New mangroves have been created in various areas to reduce climate change risks in Badamtoli village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

New mangroves have been created in various areas to reduce climate change risks in Badamtoli village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

SHYAMNAGAR, Bangladesh , May 16 2025 (IPS) – Golenur Begum has faced 12 cyclones in her life. As a child, she witnessed her father’s house destroyed, and as an adult, she watched her home smashed. Saltwater brought by the tidal surges that accompanied the cyclones wrecked their farms and livelihoods.  And with climate change, these impacts are becoming more intense and frequent.


“Sixteen years ago, in 2009, my house was washed away by Cyclone Aila. At first, we sheltered on a raised dirt road near our house. After the road was submerged, we rushed to a shelter two kilometers from the village to save our lives. The next day, when we returned to the village, we saw that many more houses had been destroyed. Shrimp farms, vegetable fields, chicken farms, and ponds submerged in salt water,” Golenur (48), who lives in Sinhartoli village, remembers.

She is not alone. Sahara Begum (32), Rokeya Begum (45), and Anguri Bibi (44), from the same village, spoke of the same crisis.

New mangrove in front of Golenur Begum's house in Singhahartali village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

A new mangrove in front of Golenur Begum’s house in Singhahartali village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Neelima Mandal showing the mangrove in front of her house in Chunkuri village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Neelima Mandal points to the mangrove in front of her house in Chunkuri village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Climate-vulnerable Sinharatoli village is part of Munshiganj Union of Shyamnagar Upazila (sub-district) in the Satkhira district in southwestern Bangladesh. The Malanch River flows past the village.

On the other side of the river is the World Heritage Sundarbans—a mangrove forest area in the Ganges Delta formed by the confluence of the Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Meghna Rivers in the Bay of Bengal.

Most of the people in the villages along the Malanch River lost their livelihoods and homes due to Cyclone Aila. Not only Aila—Golenur has faced 12 cyclones.

Neelima Mandal, 40, of Chunkuri village, a village adjacent to the Sundarbans, says, “Due to frequent cyclones, the embankments on the riverbank collapsed. The tidal water of the Malanch River used to enter our houses directly. As a result, both our livelihoods and lives were in crisis.”

The southwestern coast of Bangladesh is facing many crises due to climate change. The people of this region are very familiar with the effects of tides, cyclones, and salinity. They survive by adapting to these dangers. But, despite their resilience, there are not enough strong embankments in this region. Although embankments were built in the 1960s, they are mostly weak. If cyclones become more intense with a changing climate, people’s lives will be even more affected.

New mangroves protect houses at risk of climate change on the embankment in Chunkuri village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. PCredit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

New mangroves protect houses at risk of climate change on the embankment in Chunkuri village of Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district) of Satkhira district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

What kind of benefits are the villagers getting from the newly created mangrove forest? This graph shows the results of the opinions gathered from 100 people from villages near the Sundarbans. Graph: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

What kind of benefits are the villagers getting from the newly created mangrove forest? This graph shows the results of the opinions gathered from 100 people from villages near the Sundarbans. Graph: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Despite the mangrove-rich Sundarbans, which include four enlisted and protected areas by UNESCO, which should protect them, the southwestern coastal districts of Bangladesh. The Sundarbans themselves are also facing a crisis due to frequent cyclones. The 2007 cyclone Sidr caused extensive damage, which took several years to recover from. According to a study by the Change Initiative, dense forest covered 94.2 percent of the Sundarbans in 1973. In 2024, it had decreased to 91.5 percent. The people of this region face extreme events during the cyclone season when the tide height reaches up to 3 meters (10 feet).

Mangrove Wall for Vulnerable Communities

In 2013 the women in this community began building a mangrove wall—a sign that they were not going to let the climate dictate their future.

The wall now stands where the water from the storm surge entered Golenur’s house during Cyclone Sidr in 2007 and Cyclone Aila in 2009. Now she does not have to worry about her livelihood and home as much. Apart from protection from natural hazards, the forest provides her with many other economic benefits.

“When we started planting mangrove seedlings here, the entire area was devoid of trees. Tidal water once submerged the area. In a few years, a mangrove forest has formed in the vacant space. More than 500 people from about 100 houses in the village are now free from natural hazards,” says Golenur.

A mangrove safety wall now also covers Chunkuri village, which was similarly vulnerable. The villagers take care of the mangroves and benefit from them.

Many women in Banishanta village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district are happy and financially better off after starting a mangrove nursery. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Many women in Banishanta village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district are happy and financially better off after starting a mangrove nursery. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Abandoned seeds floating from the Sundarbans are being processed into seedlings in the nursery. Here at Namita Mondal's nursery in Dhangmari village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Abandoned seeds floating from the Sundarbans are processed into seedlings in the nursery at Namita Mondal’s nursery in Dhangmari village of Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

“Mangroves help us secure our livelihood. We can collect fodder for our cattle from the forest. Mangroves help us reduce heat,” added Sabitri Mondal, a resident of Chunkuri village.

Various organizations, including the Bangladesh Resource Council of Indigenous Knowledge (BARCIK), Bangladesh Environment and Development Society (BEDS), and Friendship, are working to restore mangroves in different parts of Khulna, Satkhira, and Bagerhat districts.

Since 2008, BARCIK has planted 1,800 mangrove trees in coastal villages, including Koikhali, Burigoalini, Munshiganj, Gabura, Padmapukur, and Atulia in the Shyamnagar upazila of Satkhira. BEDS has planted over one million mangrove saplings in 146.55 hectares of land in Shyamnagar, Satkhira, and Dakop, Khulna, since 2013.

Maksudur Rahman, CEO of BEDS, says, ‘To save mangroves, we need to involve the local community. If we can provide alternative livelihoods to the local community, the mangroves will also be saved and the people will be protected. The initiative that we have been continuing since 2013 is already reaping the benefits of the community.’

Abandoned seeds are a source of livelihood

“The mangrove nursery is now the driving force of my family. The income from the nursery is what keeps my family going. My husband and I no longer have to go to the risky Sundarbans to catch fish and crabs. Alternative livelihoods have made my life safer,’ said Namita Mandal of Dhangmari village in Dakop upazila of Khulna district.

Women are planting mangrove seedlings in Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Women plant mangrove seedlings in Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Namita Mandal busy maintaining a mangrove nursery in Dhangmari village in Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

Namita Mandal maintains a mangrove nursery in Dhangmari village in Dakop upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS

The mangrove seeds are a source of livelihood for women in villages near the Sundarbans. Once upon a time, families used to wait for seeds and leaves that floated from the Sundarbans to cook. They would dry them and save them for cooking. But many women like Namita have started nurseries with those abandoned seeds. Seedlings are being grown in the nursery from the seeds and new mangroves are being formed from those seedlings. Many more women in villages near the Sundarbans have chosen mangrove nurseries as a source of livelihood.

Seedlings suitable for mangroves are grown in the nursery. The tree species include keora (Sonneratia apetala), baen (Avicennia alba), gewa (Excoecaria agallocha), khulshi (Aegiceras corniculatum), kankra (Bruguiera gymnorrhiza), golpata (Nypa fruticans), and goran (Ceriops decandra). The seeds of these trees float down from the Sundarbans.

Her income from the nursery has increased significantly in the past few years. ‘I sold seedlings worth 50,000 taka ($426) in a year. My nursery has expanded. The number of employees has increased. In 2023, I sold seedlings worth about 4 lakh taka ($3,407) from my nursery to some clients, including the Bangladesh Forest Department, international NGO BRAC, and BEDS,’ added Namita.

Rakibul Hasan Siddiqui, Associate Professor at the Institute of Integrated Studies on Sundarbans Coastal Ecosystem, Khulna University, said, ‘The Sundarbans and its surrounding settlements are severely affected by rising sea levels and frequent cyclones in the Bay of Bengal. Sundarbans Restoration is helping to protect coastal residents from any kind of natural disaster.”
Note: This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

IPS UN Bureau, IPS UN Bureau Report, Bangladesh, Climate Change Justice, Climate Justice

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‘Our Weak and Corrupt Institutions Acted Too Late to Address Manipulation That Destabilised Democracy’

Civil Society, Crime & Justice, Democracy, Europe, Featured, Headlines, Human Rights, TerraViva United Nations

May 14 2025 (IPS) –  
CIVICUS discusses Romania’s presidential election with Anda Serban, Executive Director of Resource Center for Public Participation (CERE), a civil society organisation (CSO) that focuses on public participation and transparency in decision-making processes.


Romania has experienced a dramatic shift in its political landscape following the presidential election rerun held on 4 May. The Constitutional Court ordered a new election after it annulled the December 2024 vote and disqualified far-right frontrunner Călin Georgescu due to electoral violations and alleged foreign interference. A new far-right candidate, George Simion, took first place in the first round of the rerun election, sending further shockwaves through Romania’s political establishment. A runoff vote between Simion and centrist Bucharest Mayor Nicușor Dan is scheduled for 18 May.

Anda Serban

What factors led to the decision to annul the first election?

Romania’s weak and corrupt institutions acted too late to address manipulation that destabilised our democracy. The court pointed to three main reasons for annulment: foreign interference in political campaigns, authorities failing to act on available information and the risky, short-sighted strategies employed by political parties seeking to undermine their opponents.

Judges found that illegal digital campaigning, foreign interference and campaign finance violations compromised the integrity of the election and decided a full rerun was necessary. Unlike other countries facing similar challenges, Romania’s response has been notably inadequate. While France, Moldova and the USA have tackled similar problems and some steps have been taken at the European level, Romania took far too long to act. In typical Romanian political and bureaucratic fashion, once information came out, politicians did nothing right away. Instead of following clear steps to act quickly, officials waited and tried to see how they could use it to their advantage.

How did this affect public trust in Romania’s democratic institutions?

This crisis exists within a broader context of eroding democratic norms. Trust was already low before the annulment, and with good reason. The government increasingly uses emergency ordinances to legislate, Bucharest’s city hall opens less than three per cent of its proposals for public debate and local authorities systematically ignore civic input. This comes on top of a poorly managed pandemic and a war in Ukraine across our border, with the aggressor’s voice amplified in social media.

Authorities have done nothing to reverse this trend. On the contrary, they have increasingly tried to restrict civic space and human rights. So when the election was suddenly annulled, it became the spark that ignited an already volatile situation. This ongoing institutional failure has had a profound impact on the credibility of the entire electoral process.

The aftermath of the court’s decision further damaged public confidence. Distrust intensified because authorities acted too slowly and inadequately. No senior official was held accountable. Without a public, transparent review, many people didn’t see this annulment as a real defence of democracy.

What role have established political parties played in the crisis?

The current situation stems partly from cynical political calculations by mainstream parties. The Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the National Liberal Party believed they could ride the wave of far-right and sovereigntist sentiment, represented by Georgescu, without serious consequences. They’ve maintained power for over 35 years. They assumed they could face him in a runoff and easily defeat him. But his support proved much stronger than they expected.

This miscalculation has now transformed the political landscape. Georgescu’s disqualification turned him into an anti-system symbol, despite being an insider and having held public jobs. Every candidate tried to claim the anti-system role, some more aggressively than others.

The resulting polarisation is unprecedented. Some Georgescu backers hoped to repeat a situation similar to the attack on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. We’ve seen some insurrectionary slogans, such as ‘second round back’, fuelled by both real supporters and bots seeking to erode trust in the process.

Who were the leading candidates in the rerun first round?

Although the ballot looked very different from December, the ideological spectrum remained largely conservative. Most candidates appealed to the same pool of Christian-Orthodox voters. The biggest dividing line was foreign policy: some were pro-European Union (EU), others pro-USA, particularly pro-Trump, and a few pushed anti-Ukrainian, pro-Russian narratives.

The race effectively narrowed to five significant contenders. George Simion of the Alliance of Union of Romanians (AUR) emerged as Georgescu’s political heir. No one was able to fully capture Georgescu’s support base, but Simion came closest by copying his style and behaviour. He skipped all three official presidential debates, in one case staging a dramatic walkout with supporters, just as Georgescu did in 2024. While this showed a lack of respect for voters, Simion may have felt he had nothing to gain and only votes to lose. This strategy won him first place with 40.96 per cent of the vote.

Simion and AUR represent a clear threat to Romania’s European orientation. They are conservative on family and immigration, oppose human rights advances and are pro-Russian in foreign policy. The EU is under pressure from many fronts, and Simion’s rise adds to that strain.

The other candidates positioned themselves within this disrupted landscape. Bucharest’s mayor, Nicușor Dan, ran as an independent with the Save Romania Union’s support. He cast himself as the ‘lone wolf’ anti-system figure. During his mayoral term, he built coalitions in the city council for reforms. He received 20.99 per cent of the vote and will now compete with Simion in the runoff.

The three other candidates were Elena Lasconi, Crin Antonescu and Victor Ponta. Lasconi maintained that she should have been the rightful challenger to Georgescu in the previous runoff. She targeted Dan’s voters, accusing him of ‘stealing’ them. Antonescu, in contrast, represented continuity with the governing coalition. He relied on his rhetorical skills to fill the ‘calm statesman’ role Georgescu once sought. He showed a lot of pragmatism, expressing willingness to form any coalition – even with the far right – to stay in power. And Ponta emerged as a troubling surprise. He staged a political comeback with provocative proposals, adopting a Romanian version of Trump’s ‘Make America Great Again’ discourse.

How has disinformation shaped the electoral environment?

Online disinformation is moving at a scale we’ve never seen. In every election, parties try to shape the agenda, but when legions of bots flood social media to do it too, the rules change. Even if all parties use such tactics, it ends up being a matter of who has most resources to spread disinformation.

Media manipulation isn’t new, but its scale is unprecedented. We are constantly analysing campaign visuals and debating images of one candidate shared by another, while armies of trolls are flooding social media with copy-pasted comments on political and non-political posts alike.

Fortunately, civil society is fighting back against these information threats. CSOs are working with teachers to incorporate media literacy in schools, running workshops that equip young people to spot fake news and operating fact-checking services to debunk viral lies. As part of the NGOs for Citizens coalition, CERE launched an offline civic forum focused on TikTok’s role in this campaign to give voters the tools they need to navigate this flood of disinformation.

What are the prospects for the runoff?

Dan now battles for the support of first-round non-voters. Even if he manages to secure most of the votes received by all the other candidates, his electoral prospects appear limited unless he can attract a significant influx of new supporters. The key questions are how many of the 38 per cent who rejected Simeon Dan can persuade to participate and support him, and how effectively an anti-Simeon campaign can mobilise those who previously abstained.

A particularly notable development involves the PSD, Romania’s largest party, which has withdrawn from government and declared neutrality in the runoff, endorsing neither candidate. One optimistic interpretation suggests Dan asked political parties to keep a distance, believing them responsible for the substantial anti-system vote, and perhaps PSD agreed. We must also consider that anti-PSD sentiment has persisted for over a decade, particularly among diaspora voters, making the impact of its potential endorsement uncertain. More likely, however, a weakened PSD is simply distancing itself from the turmoil it helped create, hoping to return strengthened in eight to 10 months. Meanwhile, its loyal voting base now lacks direction, raising questions about whether they will gravitate toward Dan or Simion.

What remains unquestionably clear is that Romania’s continued alignment with Europe hinges entirely on achieving substantial voter participation in this pivotal runoff election.

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SEE ALSO
Romania: ‘People saw this election as an opportunity for change and expressed their dissatisfaction with the status quo’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Luliana Lliescu 28.Dec.2024
Romania: Protests erupt after court annuls presidential elections results CIVICUS Monitor 10.Jan.2025
Romania: Protests in Bucharest over election irregularities; government workers go on strike CIVICUS Monitor 30.Jul.2024

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