Whaia with her daughter Moana at COP29. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS
BAKU, Nov 15 2024 (IPS) – Kaitiaki! Whaia says she is at COP29 to bring indigenous wisdom to influence policy and to provide guardianship (kaitiaki) of the climate negotiations.
Whaia, who now lives in Aotearoa, New Zealand, was raised as an Indigenous Aboriginal in Australia, where through her community she led a life of cultural practices that protect the environment.
“Our cultural practices, our cultural ways, and the environment have always been our teacher and our classroom. To recognize our ‘Kaitiaki’ responsibilities is to be with the environment in the way that we have always lived.”
She came here with the Wisdom Keeper delegation and non-profit Indigenous Global Eldership, expressing a preference for saying, “That we are walking with them.” There are 16 members in the delegation with people from all across the globe—Hopi nation, Totemic Mexican, Māori, Palestinian, African, Canadian, Australian, U.S. and Amazonian.
Advocating for people from diverse backgrounds in the policy space, she said, “People are from different places here but united by a common goal. Some of us have been working in this policy space and some of us are new to the policy world. So we are about bridging the gaps between these spaces.”
With regard to promoting Indigenous knowledge, Whaia said, “Sometimes we feel that we don’t know policy. However, if we know our rights of passage, our ancient practices and our protocols, then we know policy. It just gets lost in translation within the language. So we are here to cross the bridge.”
Whaia came to the COP29 with her daughter. Moana beamed when she told IPS that it was Moana’s second COP. “Moana also walked with the Wisdom Keeper delegation in Dubai last year when she was just seven years old.”
On bringing Moana to COP 29, she said, “I take her to all important meetings. I believe that we should actually bring the wisdom into our younger generation. They are the ones who will inherit the choices that we make.”
Whaia, beautifully playing multiple roles as an indigenous person, policy advocate, feminist, and mother, says, “Time taken to take care of our children is never a burden. Taking care of family are the rights and responsibilities that we all must step into. It starts at home, within our communities and extends globally.”
Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development met in Bahrain to to address water scarcity. Credit: APDA
MANAMA & NAIROBI, Nov 7 2024 (IPS) – The Arab region is among the most water-scarce areas globally, as nearly 392 million people live in countries facing water scarcity or absolute water scarcity. So dire is the situation that, of the 22 Arab countries, 19 fall below the annual threshold for water scarcity in renewable resources, defined as 1,000 cubic meters per person.
Worst still, 13 countries fall below the absolute water scarcity threshold of 500 cubic meters per person per year. Water scarcity in the Arab region poses a serious challenge, threatening the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals and the realization of the fundamental human right to access water and sanitation.
It is within this context that the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development, in collaboration with the Asian Population and Development Association in Japan and with support from the United Nations Population Fund, held a meeting on October 26, 2024, in the Kingdom of Bahrain to address water scarcity as a development concern and promote coordinated action across different sectors.
Dr. Mohamed Al-Samadi, Secretary-General of the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development, stressed the need for coordinated governance and measures to close the gap between water security and the Sustainable Development Goals. The gathering that included Bahraini parliamentarians from committees focused on population and development, along with representatives from civil society organizations, experts, academics, and government officials.
The gathering reiterated that “researchers in the field of water science have set the water poverty line at 500 cubic meters per person annually, while 1,000 cubic meters of freshwater per person is considered the threshold for achieving water security. Reports also link this to food security, showing that producing an individual’s annual food supply requires over 2,000 cubic meters of water.
Lawmakers and experts stressed the need for coordinated governance and measures to close the gap between water security and the Sustainable Development Goals. Credit: APDA
Stressing that the “water security in the Arab world is now critically at stake as annual usable water resources fall below 40 billion cubic meters. A large portion of these resources is lost to evaporation and infiltration into the soil, and additional amounts are necessary to sustain river flows to their endpoints. Any country that uses 40 percent or more of its total annual water resources is considered to be facing severe water scarcity according to the Water Scarcity Index, also known as the Water Sustainability Index.”
Dr. Muneer Ibrahim, a Member of Parliament and member of the Committee on Water, Environment, and Public Utilities, spoke about water security and the SDGs, emphasizing that water is the fundamental pillar for achieving these global goals across their economic, social, and environmental dimensions, as water security is an essential requirement for their realization.
Further stressing that the relationship between water and sustainable development is reciprocal, and this interconnectedness poses significant challenges in the Arab region, especially given the current water situation. Necessitating the development and implementation of effective policies and solutions to ensure sustainable water resources for various uses.
Hassan Ibrahim, a Member of Parliament and the rapporteur for the Water Committee, spoke about innovation for sustainable water management, highlighting that resolving the water crisis is essential for a livable future on our planet. Noting that whether water is overly abundant, severely scarce, or highly polluted, it presents a triple threat exacerbated by climate change, depriving billions of people of access to clean, safe water and sanitation services.
He said that this then “threatens economies, encourages migration, and may fuel conflict. We need global action to establish water security to enable inclusive and resilient green growth while addressing the interconnected relationship between water, climate, and conflict. Despite the progress made, we are falling behind in achieving the SDGs related to water, which directly affect inclusive development.”
Current trends indicate that by 2030, 1.6 billion people will lack access to safe drinking water, 2.8 billion will be deprived of safe sanitation services, and 1.9 billion will be without basic hygiene facilities. Globally, the investment needs for the water sector exceed USD 1.37 trillion and must increase sixfold from current levels to meet the sixth SDG on ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all by 2030.
“Water accounts for less than 2 percent of public spending, and private investment levels in this sector are also low in low- and middle-income countries. Bahrain has adopted strategies and initiatives to improve the management of water resources, support the strategic water stock, and increase the area and sustainability of rainwater harvesting efficiency to enhance natural groundwater resources,” Ibrahim said.
Bahrain is implementing advanced technical solutions to utilize treated wastewater for irrigation needs, which also helps reduce environmental pollution, address the impacts of climate change, and minimize the depletion of natural water resources. Bahrain, through the Water Security Strategy 2030 launched by the Ministry of Energy and Environment, aims to ensure the sustainability and continuity of access to water under both normal conditions and extreme emergencies.
The key targets of the strategy include reducing total water resource demand by 21 percent, increasing the water productivity index to USD 110 per cubic meter, lowering the water scarcity index by three degrees, and raising the percentage of treated water reuse to 95 percent. Dr. Walid Zubari, a water resources expert and president of the Arab Water Association, presented on the vital role of civil society institutions in raising water awareness to achieve water sustainability and address the challenges facing the water sector in Bahrain.
Regarding civil society institutions, Dr. Zubari said, “It is important for them to play a role in water awareness. Once community members understand the implications of their behavior in dealing with water and there is a religious and moral incentive, it is likely that they will voluntarily rationalize their water usage. If this happens, the community and the executors will be in the same boat, enabling them to achieve water sustainability.”
Dr. Karim Rashid, Member of Parliament, delivered a comprehensive presentation on the importance of water and its essential role in supporting sustainable development, as water impacts all aspects of development and is closely linked to nearly every SDG, driving economic growth, supporting healthy ecosystems, and being essential for life itself.
Still, nearly two billion people worldwide lack access to safely managed drinking water services, while around 3.6 billion suffer from inadequate sanitation services. To enable effective climate change adaptation, he said activities should reflect the importance of water management in reducing vulnerability to risks and building resilience against climate change.
Further emphasizing the necessity of political commitment and leadership, technological innovations, and the advancement of service delivery models and financing to support governments in fulfilling their commitment to achieve Target 6.2 of the SDGs—”to ensure access for all to adequate and equitable sanitation and hygiene services by 2030.”
The expert and water sector advisor at the Ministry of Water in the Kingdom of Bahrain, Eng. Mohammed Sawar, called for adopting a model transformation in the management of water resources in the GCC countries, shifting from the current focus on “supply sustainability” to “consumption sustainability.” Emphasizing economic efficiency in water usage and financial sustainability of water services.
Note: This meeting was supported by the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the Japan Trust Fund (JTF).
Submerged structure in Tubigon, Philippines. Credit: Greenpeace
In the Philippines, a group of islands is rapidly sinking due to an unprecedented rise in sea levels. This blog dives into how these coastal communities are utilizing marine resources and ecosystems to find solutions and build resilience against climate risks.
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Nov 6 2024 (IPS) – Imagine living with water up to your knees for half of the year, where homes are flooded, and people constantly fear that the sea might one day engulf the town and everyone in it.
This is the reality for the sinking islands in the Philippines—a cluster of four island barangays in Tubigon located in the south-central region of Bohol. Here, the sea level is rising at an alarming rate of 10.8 millimeters per year, three times faster than the global average. If this continues, these islands could disappear by 2100.
Tubigon sank by one meter after being hit by a 7.2 magnitude earthquake over a decade ago. While still recovering, the islands were devastated by a super typhoon in 2021, unleashing four-meter-high tidal waves that destroyed over 1.7 million homes and displaced more than 3 million people. This year, the islands were declared inhabitable by the government.
Existential Climate Threats to Coastal Communities
Coastal communities like the Philippines are severely threatened by accelerating sea level rise compounded by extreme weather events. Similar to small island developing states, also known as SIDS, low-lying coastal areas are the most vulnerable to climate change.
Their geographic location leaves them highly-exposed to natural disasters and hazards like cyclones and tidal flooding. These vulnerabilities exacerbate coastal communities’ unique development challenges.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reports that with the current 1.5 degree temperature increase, global sea levels will continue to rise and low-lying coastal regions are to experience extreme sea events such as storm surges and massive tides annually by 2050.
SIDS, including Tuvalu and the Maldives, along with the sinking islands of Tubigon, are proof of the existential threats of climate change. These communities are at risk of vanishing unless urgent action is taken.
Bouncing Back from Climate Risks
While island communities are under threat, they are not powerless. Many of them have shown commitment to addressing climate-related risks in their national climate action plans. Their goal is to build climate resilience.
The term “resilience” is often mentioned in climate change discussions, but what does it really mean? It comes from the Latin verb resilire, meaning “to bounce back.” Resilience refers to the ability to recover from risks, which, in the context of climate change, is determined by the degree of vulnerability and exposure to climate-related threats.
For coastal communities and low-lying islands, rising sea levels pose a significant risk, so they must build resilience to endure and recover from climate-related hazards and disasters.
Turning to Blue Carbon Ecosystems for Solutions
Many SIDS set a good example in piloting measures to build resilience and adapt to the impacts of climate change. Similarly, the residents of Tubigon, many of whom are fisherfolks, have learned to adapt to the rising tides.
The local community has developed resilience strategies and initiatives to help them sustain their lives on the islands. One promising solution involves utilizing the sea and its resources, part of what is called the blue carbon ecosystem.
Blue carbon ecosystem is a collective term for natural marine resources such as mangroves, seagrasses, and marshes known for their ability to capture and store carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Research shows that these coastal resources can transfer and store carbon ten times more effective than tropical forests.
These ecosystems also support fishery production, protect shorelines and reduce flooding, and provide habitats for wildlife and migratory species. Studies indicate that conserving blue carbon ecosystems is a timely and cost-effective strategy to help coastal communities adapt to climate change.
Harnessing Coastal Resources for Climate Change Adaptation
Tubigon and the Bohol region have long implemented measures to protect their blue carbon ecosystems, helping residents adapt to climate-related risks. Their strategy is two-fold: eliminating destructive fishing practices and conserving coastal resources particularly mangroves.
The local community has designated bantay dagat (which translates literally to sea protectors) to patrol its marine area spanning 156 hectares of coral reefs and 335 hectares of mangroves. These protectors report illegal fishing activities and safeguard the mangrove forests.
Over time, many locals have transitioned from destructive fishing methods, such as dynamite and cyanide use, to more sustainable aquaculture and alternative livelihoods, including crab and squid jigging, grouper farming, and ecotourism.
Moreover, particular focus is given to mangrove conservation. The vast mangrove area in Tubigon is considered a valuable blue ecosystem resource playing an important role in sequestering carbon. Experts estimate that a 4-decade mangrove plantation can store over 370 tons of carbon per hectare.
Additionally, mangroves act as natural seawalls, reducing wave energy and shielding residents from rising sea levels and tidal flooding. By investing in the preservation of blue carbon ecosystems, coastal communities like Tubigon tap into an essential resource that supports their livelihoods and enhances their resilience to the effects of climate change.
Turning the Tide
The islands of Tubigon stay afloat amidst the intensifying battle against climate threats. Most recently, the Philippines joined an alliance to build the resilience of coastal communities. It was also selected as the host of a fund dedicated to supporting countries to respond to loss and damage, enabling them to recover and rebuild from the adverse effects of the climate crisis.
Allowing islands to sink and entire communities to disappear is unimaginable, especially when we have the resources and tools to address the planet’s most significant crisis. Time is running out, but there is still hope to turn the tide.
This article is originally published in Global Dev as part of its Climate Resilience series.
Anne Cortez is a communications and knowledge management consultant with over a decade of experience working with governments, academic institutions, and international organizations including the UN, ADB, and The Asia Foundation. She has spearheaded and managed development programs and capacity building initiatives promoting climate action, digital inclusion, and health equity across Asia and the Pacific. Previously, she led the knowledge and communications team at the UN think tank for global health based in Malaysia, and the social mobilization division at the Department of Education in the Philippines. Anne has a master’s degree in international studies and an undergraduate degree in communications. Learn more about her work here.
Wind turbines overlooking Vyas Chhatri, traditional architecture of Jasalmer district in Rajasthan. Credit: Athar Parvaiz/IPS
NEW DELHI, Nov 4 2024 (IPS) – While India continues to rely heavily on coal, the south Asian economic giant is also aggressively pushing renewable energy production, especially after the costs of renewable energy production have fallen drastically in recent years around the world.
But experts say that India—the world’s third largest emitter of greenhouse gases (GHGs)—has to face many headwinds for achieving its net zero target by 2070 and before that, reaching the target of a 45 percent reduction in GHG emission intensity by 2030 from 2005 levels.
According to the experts, addressing the gaps in policies and strategies are some of the main measures India needs to take for a rapid transition to renewable energy sources. But most of them believe phasing out fossil fuels such as coal appears to be a daunting task for India given its huge reliance on them. India ratified the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2016, committing to limit the global average temperature rise to below 2°C by the end of the century.
As part of its first Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), India had pledged to reduce the greenhouse gas (GHG) emission intensity of its economy by 33–35 percent by 2030 from 2005 levels. In August 2022, the Indian government revised its NDCs, raising its ambition to a 45% reduction in GHG emission intensity by 2030 from 2005 levels.
The south Asian country has also pledged to become carbon-neutral or achieve net zero carbon emissions by 2070, an announcement made by the Indian government in 2021 during CoP 26 in UK. According to the UN Climate Change Executive Secretary, Simon Stiell, Decarbonisation is the biggest transformation of the global economy of this century.
Coal to Stay ‘For India’s Development’
Presently, the contribution of coal for India’s energy generation is 72 percent and accounts for 65 percent of its fossil fuel CO2 emissions. The contribution of coal for energy generation in India, say the experts, is not going to change anytime soon.
“Coal cannot be removed from India’s energy mix in the next 20 years. We require coal because we need a development-led transition, not a transition-led development,” said Amit Garg, a professor at Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Ahmedabad-Gujarat. “We can adopt new technologies and try new ways, but we in India cannot eradicate coal just yet.”
Anjan Kumar Sinha, an energy expert who is the technical director of Intertek, told IPS that energy security in India is currently dependent on coal and would take time for its phasing out given how the country is yet to be ready for a rapid phase-out of coal, which is currently extremely important for India’s energy security.
“In phasing it out, we have to improve flexible operations of coal-based plants for electricity dispatch, especially with increasing levels of renewable energy,” he said.
According to Sinha, coal being an important energy resource which India has, “we need to wash its sins” with a continuous increase in production of renewables. India, Sinha said, “has to save itself… it can’t leave it to the rest of the world.”
India has been hailed for the progress the country has achieved in its clean energy transition in recent years. The Indian government aims to increase non-fossil fuel capacity to 500 GW and source 50 percent of its energy from renewables by 2030.
“[This] progress seems encouraging on several fronts. Today, India stands fourth globally in total renewable capacity, demonstrating a 400 percent growth over the last decade,” notes an article published by researchers of the Bharti Institute of Public Policy at the Indian School of Business.
But, despite this progress, the authors say that India faces a lot of challenges as it still remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels.
India’s Growth and Green Journey
With India’s economy expected to expand rapidly in the coming years, there will be an increase in demand for resources, and the environmental footprints will also increase. According to the latest World Energy Outlook report of the International Energy Agency (IEA), India’s energy consumption will increase by 30 percent by 2030 and 90 percent by 2050, with carbon emissions from energy use rising by 32 percent and 72 percent in the same period.
If successful in meeting its climate commitments over the next seven years, India could offer a developmental model wherein a country continues to grow and prosper without significantly increasing its energy or carbon footprint. But the path ahead for India’s energy transition is full of significant challenges.
“This is one of the most challenging times for India. We have the challenge of growth, jobs and energy consumption, which we have to balance with environmental considerations,” B V R Subrahmanyam, the CEO of NITI Ayog, India’s top official think tank, was quoted as saying by India’s national daily, The Times of India, on September 11, 2024.
But he has emphasized that fossil fuels will continue to drive the country’s growth. “It is no longer about growth or sustainability, but growth and sustainability,” he was quoted as saying.
Experts also believe that there are hurdles along the road as the country seeks to phase out polluting energy sources.
According to this article published in Outlook magazine on October 30, uncertainties such as low renewable energy (RE) investments in recent years, land availability, high intermittency of renewables, higher costs of panels due to import duties and distribution companies that are tied up in long-term power purchase agreement (PPA) not buying new RE power are some of the major concerns.
“While there has been progress on deployment of electric vehicles in the country, upfront costs and a lack of reliable charging infrastructure pose challenges in scaling up the initiatives… for the industrial sector, fossilized manufacturing capacities will create decarbonisation challenges,” the article says.
Raghav Pachouri, associate director, Low Carbon Pathways and Modelling, Vasudha Foundation, highlighted how storage can play an important role in making energy transition successful.
“The success of the energy transition to renewable energy lies with the integration of storage. Current capacities are limited, and the quantum of requirements is huge.”
Moreover, Pachouri says, infrastructure for electric vehicles remains inadequate, with fewer than 2,000 public charging stations as of 2023.
BOSTON / PHILADELPHIA, Oct 28 2024 (IPS) – The students and the common people of Bangladesh dared to do something in 36 days of July-August that was considered simply impossible by most people just days before August 5, 2024. They said ‘enough is enough’ to an old order that outraged their humanity, robbed their dignity and the rulers imagined that their citadel of power was simply impenetrable. The revolutionists refused to bow down to the murderous regime that knew no bounds to its cruelty and plundering. They were ready to sacrifice their lives for the freedom of the besieged nation.
Mawdudur Rahman
This revolution is unique in so many ways. It is a revolution in the digital age that is rooted in meta-modernist philosophy. The old political leadership with its moribund appeal and bankrupt philosophy proved irrelevant in this agenda. As Professor Yunus, the Chief Advisor to the Interim Government, has rightly said, ‘Now is the era of a new generation’.
Meta-modernism is the cultural philosophy of the digital age, coined by Mas’ud Zavarzadeh in 1975. meta-modernism is the Age of the Internet or more balanced worldview. As one analyst puts it, we went from modernism — “Make it new!” Let’s shape History! – to postmodernism — everything sucks! Nothing really matters! — to meta-modernism – maybe things are not this black-and-white, maybe there’s a middle ground.
Meta-modernist thinkers perceive the present world around them as a threat to their very existence. They work with pragmatic idealism and have no grand narrative thinking or any orthodox certainties. In other words, they try to strike a balance between all of this. They recognize that they have to face the problems of the society.
Habib Siddiqui
Arguably, all the activities of Bangladeshi revolutionists including their wall posters, followed a framework of Meta-Modernism. It is understood that the new Bangladesh is defined in a new ideology. Student revolutionaries have said that our ideology is reflected through the language we use. The basis of the new ideology is language. It is a revolution of change from the cultural context of fascist imperialist language to the native (spoken) language of the people. In other words, new ideals will be reflected through the language of the people.
It would be wrong to think that this people’s revolution was all about a change of government. Its victory is unlike 1947 and 1971. In both those cases, there was a change of government without any structural change. As a result, the incoming government followed imperialist practices of exploitation left behind by the British. Subsequent governments turned the country into a failed democracy, in order to control, exploit and subjugate its citizens. The police were used as an enabling force to subjugate the citizens, while the legislature and judiciary worked as the rubber stamps to sustain the total control of the government. This evil social system has corrupted the mindset and behavior of our people. An immoral society was formed with no fear of accountability, whose driving force was unfathomed greed and mantra — the ‘rule and exploitation by repression’. Government employees saw themselves as bosses and not as public servants. They thrived upon corruption at all levels.
There are now two competing ideologies in front of Bangladesh – one of decaying fascism that wants to resurface under old leadership and the other is the young leadership of equality and morality. As the revolution demonstrated, the ‘New Bangladesh’ does not approve fascist-supporting corrupt institutions. It desires a corruption-free new society. It is for paradigm shift – a transformational change.
The Chief Advisor and Student Coordinators have clearly highlighted the ideals of New Bangladesh through their speeches and interviews. Dr. Yunus said, ‘We are all one nation’. This is a clarion call to establish a holistic change in society. Such a radical change in society requires a change in values. A change in values lies in the change in public ideology.
The new Bangladesh is not the old Bangladesh with a new cover. It demands a change in the fundamental values of human behavior, actions, and beliefs. These include structural changes, personal changes, expectations.
To understand the ideology of this change, one has to listen carefully to the speech of Mahfuz Alam, the ‘thinker’ of the movement. Five points can be deduced from his recent talks: (1) unity, (2) ‘language is their inspiration’, (3) group leadership, (4) they are children of time, and that (5) they are not a slave to traditional thinking. His views reflect today’s meta-modernism.
For any transformational change to succeed, the change agents must own it, direct it, and ultimately excel in it. We think that this revolution of holistic change can benefit from the revolutionary approaches adopted in China and Cuba that were also led by youths. They owned the revolution and did not allow it to be hijacked by the reactionaries. We see some of these characteristics in the minds and mission of the Bangladeshi revolutionaries.
The bottom line is, bringing any changes in old culture habits was never an easy task. This revolution has presented an opportunity to change the destiny of Bangladesh as never before.
The meta-modernist youths of Bangladesh have come to lead and move forward; they will not go back to the old ways. Their message is clear: if you do not join us, the country will not wait for you. If older generations do not adopt the new view of change, we fear further instability and chaos to come, whose outcome cannot be pleasant.
Dr. Mawdudur Rahman, Professor Emeritus, Suffolk University, Boston, USA. He can be contacted at: mrahman@suffolk.edu.
Dr. Habib Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activists. His latest book – ‘Bangladesh: a polarized and divided nation?’ is available in the Amazon.com. Both are members of the steering committee of Esho Desh Gori – Let’s Build Bangladesh.
At the gravesite of the late editor-in-chief of the influential English-language newspaper Sunday Leader Lasantha Wickrematunge, who was killed in his car on January 8, 2009, on his way to work in Colombo. Credit: Johan Mikaelsson/IPS
COLOMBO, Oct 25 2024 (IPS) – Anyone interested in unsolved murders and disappearances will find much to study in Sri Lanka. Fifteen to twenty years ago, the country made global headlines, not only for the government’s military offensive against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) guerrillas but also for the numerous murders of journalists. The newly elected president, Anura Kumara Dissanayake—often referred to as AKD—seems determined to address the culture of impunity.
Local press freedom organizations in Sri Lanka have documented 44 cases of murdered and disappeared journalists and media workers between 2004 and 2010. International media watchdogs report lower numbers due to narrower definitions of who qualifies as a journalist. Regardless, it is well known that many journalists risk their lives. To date, no one has been convicted for the crimes committed against individual journalists or entire newsrooms.
One of the most iconic and globally recognized cases is the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, who was killed in his car on January 8, 2009, on his way to work in Colombo. As the editor-in-chief of the influential English-language newspaper Sunday Leader, Wickrematunge was a vocal critic of the government and a prominent figure in public debates.
The Rajapaksa brothers, ex-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother Mahinda, allegedly obstructed investigations into his murder as well as those involving journalists and members of parliament. Yet, the Wickrematunge family remains hopeful that justice will not only be served for Lasantha but also for all murdered journalists and their families, colleagues, and society as a whole.
Lal Wickrematunge, former owner of the now-defunct Sunday Leader, explained that a new process has begun, gaining momentum since the September 21 presidential election.
“This election was crucial because what’s needed now is political will, just political will,” Lal stated.
He had received assurances from two major presidential candidates, Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake, that the investigations would resume post-election.
“They requested to bring back retired CID inspectors to see if they can finally close these cases,” he added.
Since Dissanayake’s clear victory and his formation of an interim government, Lal confirmed that these promises have been fulfilled so far. With parliamentary elections set for November 14, Dissanayake’s leftist coalition, National People’s Power, is projected to secure a majority.
“The new president has reinstated investigators who were previously dismissed or even imprisoned on fabricated charges. These investigators are now back to work, aiming to bring those responsible for journalists’ murders—both in the South and North—to justice,” Lal said.
Hope for Accountability
After the election results were announced, a curfew was imposed, and security was heightened at international airports to prevent former politicians implicated in various crimes from leaving the country. With the upcoming parliamentary elections, Lal remains optimistic.
“I believe this is a step in the right direction. So far, the president has earned the trust of even those who didn’t vote for him, and it looks like his party will win a solid majority in parliament. He’s promised transparency and good governance, and he’s staying true to his word, gaining the confidence of people across the country,” Lal explained.
He then recalled the events of January 2009, when his brother Lasantha was murdered. Four men on two motorcycles smashed the windows of Lasantha’s car. Witnesses didn’t hear any gunshots, but Lasantha had a hole in his skull with no exit wound, and no bullets or gunpowder residue were found. It’s believed the killers used a bolt gun—typically used to slaughter livestock—which they concealed in a rolled-up newspaper.
The suspected mastermind behind the murder is Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who served as president from 2019 to 2022. After several months of widespread protests (known as Aragalaya, which means struggle in Sinhala) against his government over claims of resource mismanagement, fuel shortages, and skyrocketing food prices, he resigned. Rajapaksa, who returned to Sri Lanka after his resignation, now lives off the state like four other former presidents.
As Secretary of Defense from 2005 to 2015, Gotabaya allegedly ordered the assassination. The motive was linked to Sunday Leader’s reporting on corruption, particularly in the purchase of used Russian-made MIG fighter jets from Ukraine, where Rajapaksa was implicated as the main beneficiary. Rajapaksa sued the newspaper for defamation, and a court hearing was scheduled for 2009, but the case never proceeded due to Lasantha’s murder.
The Fight for Justice Continues
Though it has been 15 years since Lasantha’s death, his legacy endures, as do the memories of other murdered journalists. Of the 44 documented cases, 41 involved Tamil journalists. Many Sri Lankan journalists in exile, including those associated with JDS Lanka (Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka), continue to report on the situation back home.
In 2021-2022, a legal initiative called “A Safer World for the Truth” took place in The Hague under the auspices of The People’s Tribunal on the Murder of Journalists. This project, led by the Permanent People’s Tribunal in collaboration with Free Press Unlimited, Reporters Without Borders, and the Committee to Protect Journalists, reviewed three murder cases, including Lasantha’s.
Nishanta Silva, the lead investigator in the case, now in exile in Switzerland, presented evidence pointing to the involvement of the “Tripoli Platoon,” a secret military unit directly under Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s control.
Although targeted killings of journalists have ceased since 2009, Sri Lanka remains far down in global rankings for press freedom. In Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index, Sri Lanka ranks 150th out of 180 countries—a grim reflection of the ongoing challenges. Tamil journalists in the north face the greatest difficulties.
Press Freedom in Northern Sri Lanka: Challenges and Resilience
In Jaffna, the largest city in northern Sri Lanka with a population of 170,000, a vibrant Press Club brings together many local journalists who support one another. Similar press clubs exist in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu, two other northern cities.
In October 2020, Mullaitivu Press Club president, journalist Shanmugam Thavaseelan, and photojournalist Kanapathipillai Kumanan were investigating illegal logging when a group of men approached and attacked them as they were photographing and filming a stack of about 200 tree trunks.
Both Thavaseelan and Kumanan were brutally beaten, with Thavaseelan losing two teeth. They spent three days in the hospital. Thavaseelan’s missing teeth serve as a lasting reminder of the assault.
During the attack, they were forced to delete the contents of a memory card; one card went missing, and one camera was damaged. The two journalists were also robbed of about 50,000 rupees, equivalent to USD 150. Their investigation revealed that the illegal logging was extensive and involved local authorities.
The attackers were identified and arrested by the police but were released on bail after a month. Four years later, the case remains ongoing in court.
“No journalist has been murdered or disappeared since 2009-2010. But they harass us and try to intimidate us in other ways. Over the past ten years, I’ve been involved in five court cases,” says Thavaseelan.
Journalists covering routine news, sports, and cultural events typically face no issues. However, those investigating corruption or misconduct often find themselves in trouble. Most journalists rely on motorcycles for transportation, making them vulnerable on the roads, where there have been multiple incidents of cars deliberately trying to run them over.
“There is no specific legal protection for journalists while we’re doing our work, unlike for government employees,” Thavaseelan explains.
Kumanan, who monitors and reports on the Mullaitivu region, is constantly under surveillance by military intelligence personnel. In this area, there is one Sinhalese soldier for every three Tamil civilians, and they regularly check on Kumanan and track his movements.
“I know my rights, and I stand up for myself, which usually makes them back off,” Kumanan says.
A Struggle for Justice
Freddy Gamage, a Sinhalese journalist from Negombo near Colombo, is president of the Sri Lanka Web Journalists Association and works to strengthen the bonds between journalists and press freedom advocates in the north and south. Over the years, he too has been the target of attacks.
“Our struggle for justice is incredibly difficult and has been going on for over a decade. It’s hard to see how justice will be served, even if the government changes, given how successive Sri Lankan governments have acted in the UN in Geneva, where these issues are raised,” Gamage says.
“But we can’t give up. We need to continue our efforts to unite journalists from the north, east, and south. After the elections, we need to consider what steps we can take, both nationally and internationally, to secure justice,” Gamage explains.
Every year, memorials for murdered journalists are held, where colleagues gather to renew their calls for justice. With the recent change in government, there is hope, but realizing justice will require strong political will, hard work, and perseverance.
