African Countries Still Underfunding Health by as Much as 50 Percent

Africa, Aid, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Editors’ Choice, Featured, Financial Crisis, Gender, Health, Humanitarian Emergencies, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations, Women’s Health

Health

Health workers getting ready for duty at an mpox treatment center in Lwiro in DR Congo, a hotspot for the pandemic that CD Africa handled in 2024. Credit: WHO

Health workers getting ready for duty at an mpox treatment center in Lwiro in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, a hotspot for the pandemic that CD Africa handled in 2024. Credit: WHO

NAIROBI, Apr 24 2025 (IPS) – The majority of African countries are yet to commit 15 percent of their GDP to funding the health sector, despite the growing disease burden weighing down the continent and two decades after the coming into force of the Abuja declaration on health sector funding.


Only a few countries, including Rwanda, Botswana, and Cabo Verde, have consistently met the 15 percent target, with some countries allocating less than 10 percent of their budget to the crucial sector.

Under the Abuja Declaration of 2001, African Union (AU) member states made a commitment to end the continent’s health financing crisis, pledging to allocate at least 15 percent of national budgets to the sector. However, more than two decades later, only three countries—Rwanda, Botswana, and Cabo Verde—have consistently met or exceeded this target (WHO, 2023). In contrast, over 30 AU member states remain well below the 10 percent benchmark, with some allocating as little as 5–7 percent of their national budgets to health.

Countries including Nigeria, Chad, and the Central African Republic are allocating as little as 5–7 percent to the sector, thanks to a myriad of political and economic challenges, including a high debt burden and narrow tax base, according to Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control (Africa CDC), Dr. Jean Kaseya.

Competing demands for security and infrastructure financing and limited coordination between ministries of health and finance, plus the fact that the COVID-19 pandemic “hit national budgets hard,” worsened by global economic instability, haven’t helped matters, he said, while commenting on the latest annual report of the continental health body and the 2025 concept paper on Africa’s Health Financing in a New Era, both released in April.

Wivine M'puranyi, a 30-year-old mother of six,from village of Karanda in D.R Congo's South Kivu reflects on the distressing days when her two daughters were diagnosed with mpox, one of the pandemics that hit Africa in 2024.

Wivine M’puranyi, a 30-year-old mother of six from the village of Karanda in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s South Kivu, reflects on the distressing days when her two daughters were diagnosed with mpox, one of the pandemics that hit Africa in 2024. Credit: WHO

“It also exposes just how costly underinvesting in health can be. The real story here is political will, where leaders prioritize health, and budgets follow,” he noted.

The report finds that only 16-29 percent of African countries currently have updated versions of the National Health Development Plan (NHDP) supported by a National Health Financing Plan (NHFP), the two documents being critical in driving internal resource mobilization.

“Updating National Health Development Plans (NHDPs) and National Health Financing Plans (NHFPs) is not just a matter of paperwork—it’s a heavy lift. Countries need robust data, skilled teams, funding, and strong inter-ministerial coordination,” he said.

Low funding has a consequence: it has led to many health departments being understaffed and overstretched, partly because some governments ‘deprioritize’ updating the two documents because they fear the plans won’t be implemented or be funded. “But without current, credible plans, it’s nearly impossible to make a case for more domestic or external investment. These documents are not bureaucratic checkboxes—they’re investment blueprints,” the DG told IPS.

He noted that countries that have updated and actively used their NHDPs and NHFPs have seen tangible benefits, one such country being Burkina Faso, where an updated NHFP had helped streamline funding and implementation for free healthcare policy.

In Senegal, incorporating macroeconomic forecasting into the NHFP improved budget predictability and donor alignment. “These tools are powerful when they are costly, realistic, and regularly monitored. But let’s be clear; plans must be funded and used—not just filed away—to make a real difference,” Kaseya added.

According to the documents, Africa continues to carry a disproportionate share of the global disease burden—25 percent—but with only 3 percent of the global health workforce, resulting in a “dangerously overstretched workforce,” according to the documents. Should this shortage be prioritized over all other health needs and deficiencies, or what should be addressed first?

The shortage of health workers remains a fundamental challenge, with Africa carrying 25 percent of the global disease burden but a disproportionate 3 percent of the global health workforce—a challenge that cannot be addressed “in isolation.”

Likobiso Posholi, 35, from Ha Sechele village in Mohale's Hoek in Lesotho who is recovering from a recent caesarean section. Many countries in Africa are yet to commit 15% of the national budgets so that women like Posholi can access affordable maternity services.

Likobiso Posholi, 35, from Ha Sechele village in Mohale’s Hoek in Lesotho, recovering from a recent cesarean section. Many countries in Africa are yet to commit 15 percent of the national budgets so that women like Posholi can access affordable maternity services. Credit: WHO

However, recruiting en masse without sustainable financing or strategic deployment can strain the system, and in some countries, trained professionals remain unemployed due to fiscal constraints or wage bill ceilings. “Kenya, for example, is piloting co-financing mechanisms between national and local governments to overcome this. The key is to tackle workforce gaps through integrated, context-specific reforms that link financing, recruitment, and health system needs,” Kaseya said.

The Africa CDC has drafted a three-pronged strategy and placed it at the forefront of a health financing revolution that could potentially represent a paradigm shift from dependency to self-determination. Some aspects of the strategy can be implemented immediately without being subjected to a lot of bureaucracy in view of the emergency brought about by cuts in Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), he added.

Reductions in ODA went down by 70 percent between 2021 and 2025, exposing health systems to deep-rooted structural vulnerabilities and placing immense pressure on Africa’s already fragile health systems, with overseas financing being seen as the backbone of critical health programmes.

These include pandemic preparedness, maternal and child health services, and disease control initiatives, all of which are at risk, threatening Sustainable Development Goal 3 and Universal Health Coverage.

“Some components of our strategy can be rapidly deployed. Health taxes on products like tobacco, sugar, and alcohol are politically sensitive but technically straightforward and yield dual benefits, generating revenue and promoting healthier populations. Strengthening health financing units within ministries is a high-impact, low-cost intervention that can dramatically improve budget execution and efficiency,” Kaseya suggested.

Likewise, deploying digital tools—such as real-time dashboards to track financing flows—can happen quickly and with limited bureaucracy. Countries like Benin, South Africa, and Ethiopia are already implementing such reforms with measurable progress.

He pitched that digitization of the health sector is no longer a luxury, as it is foundational to the much-needed resilient, transparent, and efficient health systems.

On the other hand, the platforms improve decision-making, enable better resource tracking, and enhance service delivery. However, fragmentation of digital solutions remains a challenge, with many platforms developed in ‘silos,’ often “donor-driven and poorly integrated,” he commented.

He singled out Ghana, which offered a strong example of progress, having developed a national platform that integrates health and financing data. “The true value of digitization is realized when countries lead the process, ensure interoperability, and embed digital solutions into broader system reforms,” Kaseya said.

On the positive side, CDC Africa for the first time led an emergency response, putting in place a Joint Continental Incidence Management Support Team (IMST) co-led with the World Health Organization and bringing together over 28 partners to collaborate on the Mpox response. This work was done under the “One team with a One unified plan, One budget, and One monitoring framework.”

“This is a historic first that marked a significant milestone in Africa’s leadership of public health emergencies of continental significance,” the report observed.

It further supported national responses to “multiple major public health emergencies,” including the mpox outbreak in 20 AU member states and the Marburg virus disease outbreak in Rwanda. This was in declaring the former a Public Health Emergency of Continental Security (PHECS) on August 13, 2024, in consultation with the affected countries and relevant stakeholders.

Also on the positive side, the continental health body was advancing a comprehensive three-pillar strategy centered on domestic resource mobilization, innovative financing, and blended finance.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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International Women’s Day March 8, 2025

My last opinion piece stated the facts of daily current events, suggesting government chaos theory along with the murder of women. When I write my thoughts, it is acknowledging historical womanhood and the strength of communities internationally fighting for us as an endangered species. The thing is, the right women (not “pick me” women, who lack self-worth) should be celebrated and protected as an endangered species. If the human male species lived life like male seahorses, after courtship, the female seahorses incubate on their tails with embryos.

National Geographic states “Male seahorses develop complex placental structures within their pouch, similar to human pregnancy, to support the growth and development of their babies. Seahorse fathers seem to rely on elaborate behaviors and their unique body structure to facilitate labor, including contractions of large skeletal muscles near the pouch opening.” Basically, male seahorses have something similar to a uterus, the science of human biology term would be “intersex.” Maybe you might recognize the outdated derogatory word, hermaphrodite.

If the human male species lived life like male seahorses, then a partial human women species of 49.5% would rule Mother Gaia. I honor female seahorses that rule the ocean and the male species. They are not tamed or targeted for their existence by male seahorses. I’m pretty sure there is no domestic violence between them, but there is the matter of irresponsible parenthood, a common occurrence between parent seahorses (which I do not agree with) because the baby’s life expectancy is low.

If the human male species carried a womb and birth children experiencing the brutal abuse and murderous evil killings of women in all communities, and were hunted by the right women, their psyche would be altered drastically. The human male would be the endangered species, and the death toll would be high because they would endure the same violence. To the 4,176,490,368 male population, where is your strength to protect the endangered human female species?

Honoring historic women

I did not see a lot of press around International Women’s Day, especially in the United States. The honoring of women historically began with the first wave of the 1848-1920 suffrage movement, which started in New York. Because of this movement, women internationally led to the 19th Amendment, which allowed women to vote, being passed. This powerful journey suggests women were heard on a magnitude of greater significance. This path led other women, especially of color, to support countries during WWII, where all men were drafted. During the war, 350,000 served, including the African American women of the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion. Some of their names were Charity Adams Early, Josephine Baker, and Jacqueline Cochran, among others. Factory workers worked building machinery, ships, and other items. Then there are the cryptographers, such as Winnie Breegle, who assisted in using languages she spoke to code messages.

During the second wave, from 1963 to 1980, women were liberated and had the freedom to demonstrate the difference between motherhood and wifehood. Gloria Steinem, Bella Abzug, and others founded the National Women’s Political Caucus in 1971. Key points of the second wave included the passage of the Equal Pay Act and landmark Supreme Court decisions for reproductive freedom, such as Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) and Roe v. Wade (1973).

The third wave in the 1990s acted as a catch-all for all the social ills that still befall women, such as sexual harassment in the workplace and the glass ceiling that results in a shortage of women in positions of power. Some other women to honor in history are the first female Ngoni chief of the Dedza district in Malawi to stop child marriage. She annulled hundreds of child marriage. Her father built her with education and support to fulfill her destiny as chief of her tribe. She began her journey with protecting young girls and women from being targeted by the atrocities of a cruel world. I hope she continues this great work and builds integrity for the young women she has saved.

And the fourth wave puts us in the present day…

In conclusion, we do not know the actual truth of Adam and Eve, but the load of bull that is psycho dominance from the human male species is out of control.

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Children at the Center

Armed Conflicts, Civil Society, Climate Change, Crime & Justice, Education, Education Cannot Wait. Future of Education is here, Global, Health, Human Rights, Humanitarian Emergencies, Migration & Refugees, TerraViva United Nations

World Creativity & Innovation Day Statement by Education Cannot Wait Director Yasmine Sherif

The ruins of a residential building in northern Gaza following an Israeli airstrike. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Nateel

NEW YORK, Apr 21 2025 – Creativity and innovation are essential to finding extraordinary solutions to abnormal problems. Now more than ever we must continue finding creative solutions to protect the world’s most vulnerable children from the excruciating pain of war, dispossession and destruction of their last hope: a quality education. The current humanitarian and development funding levels are falling. However, with creativity we can prevent further deterioration and instead turn towards an upward direction.


With bold, innovative action and connected problem-solving in a world of abundance we can better connect the dots between donors, governments, the private sector, UN agencies, civil society and other key partners to unleash our wealth of humanity towards those in unwanted scarcity: the world’s most vulnerable children whose only wealth is their hope for a quality education.

In 1543, Nicolaus Copernicus published his groundbreaking theory, “On the Revolutions of Heavenly Spheres.” His new ideas sparked a revolution by placing the Sun – rather than the Earth – at the centre of our solar system.

We need a Copernican Revolution of our own today – one guided by data, evidence, creativity and innovation, and the highest of all values: empathy. We can then deliver on the reforms envisioned in the UN80 Initiative, Pact for the Future and other initiatives designed to reimagine the delivery of humanitarian aid. In short, we must place children at the center of our universe and use education as our single most powerful instrument to tap their vast potential. Only then can their hope turn into reality.

Education Cannot Wait (ECW), the global fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises in the United Nations, is embracing evidence-driven reforms to streamline our operations and ensure every donor dollar creates a positive impact on the lives of children caught on the frontlines of conflict, climate change and forced displacement. With the lowest overhead costs, we are lean, agile and fast-acting, and we place children and adolescents in emergencies and protracted crises at the center of everything we do.

Our work – and our value proposition – is driven by data and evidence to achieve optimal results and impact. Let’s start with the growing needs. When ECW became operational in 2017, it was estimated that approximately 75 million crisis-affected children needed education support. Today, with violent conflicts in places like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Gaza, Sudan and Ukraine, horrific shocks from climate change-related natural disasters, and a unprecedented rise in human displacement and migration, that number has skyrocketed to nearly a quarter of a billion – 234 million to be precise.

Data also tell us that a lack of quality education – especially across the Global South – is costing us trillions of dollars in lost opportunities every year. “Limited educational opportunities and barriers for girls cost the world economy between US$15 trillion and US$30 trillion. In nine countries, the cost of out-of-school children was estimated to be greater than the value of an entire year of GDP growth,” according to the World Bank.

Additionally, investing US$1 in early childhood education can generate returns as high as US$17 for the most disadvantaged children worldwide. Imagine the impact every dollar could have in creating a million more opportunities for the world’s most vulnerable children.

Given the current funding environment, we must embrace our creative problem-solving and solutions orientation. Besides revisiting budgets and finding human-centred solutions to those left furthest behind, another creative approach toward resource mobilization comes from impact investments. Through partnerships with visionary businesses like Swiss Cantonal Banks and Tribe Impact Capital LLP, Education Cannot Wait is able to connect private capital with public goods as a driving force toward long-term economic growth, resilience and security. With the ability to crowd-in resources and expertise, pool funds and broker partnerships, ECW is igniting global reform to deliver on a development sector, such as education, in humanitarian crises with coordination, speed and impact.

Together with our strategic donor partners, ECW is reimagining the way we deliver life-saving education supports on the frontlines of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises. One thing is certain, by following Copernicus’ evidence-based vision – and placing children at the center of our collective efforts – we can make the seemingly impossible possible – provided that we all do our part keeping our eyes on what really matters: those left furthest behind and every child’s right to a quality education – especially when this is their very last hope. By transforming their lives through a quality education, we empower them to arise from their suffering and become creative and innovative contributors to their society and, indeed, all of humanity.

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Shaken and Strained: Myanmar’s Earthquake Adding to the Misery of 4 Years of Conflict

Armed Conflicts, Asia-Pacific, Civil Society, Democracy, Global Governance, Headlines, Human Rights, Humanitarian Emergencies, IPS UN: Inside the Glasshouse, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Titon Mitra is Resident Representative, UNDP Myanmar

The 7.7 magnitude earthquake, which struck central Myanmar, has created an even deeper crisis for a country and a people who were already suffering from conflict and displacement. Credit: UNDP Myanmar/Su Sandi Htein Win

NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar, Apr 21 2025 (IPS) – As I walked through the streets of Sagaing and Mandalay, the scenes unfolding in the wake of the 7.7 earthquake were hard to comprehend.

Tall buildings and hundreds of homes are now lying in rubble. Of those that are still standing, many are lurching at dangerous angles, defying gravity for now, but could collapse at any moment.


In Sagaing, 80 percent of buildings have been destroyed and entire sections of one of the main bridges over the Irrawaddy River have snapped off and sunk into the water, like a child’s broken toy. Roads have deep fissures that could swallow cars.

Everywhere you look, families are living on the streets in temperatures that can reach 40°C. Even if their homes are still standing, they are fearful to enter them.

Disease always follows disaster, and in Sagaing and Mandalay, many people are forced to defecate in open spaces and clean water is scarce. Reports of cholera, hepatitis, and typhoid are surfacing, even among aid workers.

Hospitals, already understaffed due to ongoing civil unrest, are overwhelmed and urgently need critical medical supplies like trauma kits and antiseptics. Buildings are unsafe and patients are now housed in carparks.

Local markets are mostly closed and transport links relying on useable roads and bridges are severely affected. If there is food available, it’s extremely expensive, and jobs and incomes have been disrupted so many people can’t even buy food.

The human toll is heart breaking and will likely get worse. One week on, the focus is now grimly shifting from rescue to recovery, as the chances of finding survivors fast dwindles. It’s expected that the death toll, now at around 3,000, will increase significantly.

This is an absolutely devastating and ever deeper crisis for a country and a people who were already suffering from conflict and displacement. Myanmar’s devastated economy, still reeling from the shocks of COVID-19, last year’s typhoons, and years of conflict, has produced hyperinflation, high unemployment, and crushing levels of poverty, particularly amongst children.

The poor and vulnerable simply have no further to fall.

A UNDP report has found that 75 percent of the population or over 40 million people are living near to, or well below, subsistence levels. Myanmar’s middle class has shrunk by an astounding 50 percent in recent years. Even life’s basics are unattainable luxuries for most.

And more than 1.3 million people are internally displaced in Sagaing alone, fleeing the conflict, with little to sustain them, and never entirely safe in their refuge.

In Sagaing, 80 percent of buildings have been destroyed, including one of the main bridges across the Irrawaddy River. Credit: UNDP Myanmar/Su Sandi Htein Win

The sheer scale of the disaster, compounding the pre-existing deep vulnerability, requires a massive and sustained international response.

As in all emergencies, over the first few weeks or month, urgent needs in health, water and sanitation, food, and shelter must be met. But this is a crisis where many of those affected are in urban areas or where farming was taking place, even if at a very basic level.

Areas where it is important to quickly transition from emergency relief to economic and social service support and reconstruction. So, provision of medicines and medical supplies should be quickly followed by making hospitals and health clinics functional.

Distributing water must quickly shift to rehabilitating water supply infrastructure. General food distributions need to transition to targeted supplementary feeding and creation of jobs, incomes, and functioning of markets.

Temporary shelter should be replaced with repair of housing. Most of all, dignity and agency must be preserved – a helping hand up is so much better than perpetual handouts.

UNDP’s focus is twofold—to provide for immediate essential needs while also looking to the future. Despite extensive damage to infrastructure, UNDP teams are distributing shelter materials, clean water, and solar kits to some 500,000 people.

We are providing cash for work to the poor and working with the private sector to remove debris safely and recycle what they can. We are providing equipment and expertise to workers handling hazardous materials like asbestos without proper protection.

We are providing temporary shelters, assessing damaged homes and working with local tradespeople to effect repairs.

But we are also laying the groundwork for the longer term—restarting small businesses, repairing vital public service infrastructure and training young people so that they can get jobs in the huge amount of reconstruction that will be required.

The other thing I noticed walking around Sagaing and Mandalay were the huge, gilded ancient pagodas and statues of Buddha now also in rubble. Not so long ago, they stood grand and seemingly removed from the chaos engulfing the country. They stood as symbols of detachment and compassion.

One of the key tenets of Buddhism is the understanding that life is connected to suffering (dukkha). But how much more can the people of Myanmar suffer? And how much more can those who are suffering depend on the compassion of the ordinary people and first responders who are trying their best to ease the suffering?

Just like the pagodas and statues, resilience of the people of Myanmar cannot be assumed or a given. They desperately need the help of the international community to cope with the compounding crises. The cameras that are now focused on Myanmar will soon turn away. But one hopes that Myanmar will not continue to be the neglected crisis it is.

The international community must come together and meet the resolve and courage of Myanmar and its people, and to imagine a better future. We can at least try to make sure that when disaster strikes again, its blow will not cut so deep.

The long road to recovery will require a concerted effort to rebuild infrastructure, restore livelihoods, and address the many existing needs of the vulnerable. The world’s attention, and sustained commitment, will be crucial in helping the people of Myanmar navigate this devastating chapter.

UNDP’s response to the earthquake in Myanmar, and its work in other crisis contexts, is made possible by the support of core funding partners.

Source: UN Development Programme (UNDP)

IPS UN Bureau

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Ohio State professor’s history of activism and global scholarship leads him to decades-long career in higher education

Lupenga Mphande during praise poetry field research in South Africa, June 2002. Credit: Allan Coleman via Lupenga Mphande

Lupenga Mphande during praise poetry field research in South Africa, June 2002. Credit: Allan Coleman via Lupenga Mphande

In 1969, 18-year-old Lupenga Mphande was arrested for the first time in Malawi. 

As an active protester against oppressive governments in Malawi and South Africa, Mphande would not find himself in a cell for the last time. In fact, he completed his bachelor’s program at the University of Malawi between protests and jail time.

“It was a commute between prison and the classroom, which is not a pleasant thing to do,” Mphande said.

Beyond active protesting, Mphande was generally vocal about his thoughts, often facing backlash for sharing his opinions in student magazines and newspapers at his university, speaking to a British journalist and founding the Malawi Writers’ group in 1969.

Mphande said the group was a forum for young writers to exchange their literary works and offer critiques.

“It inevitably strayed into political discussions, and when the police caught wind of that, that was another area that used to get me into trouble,” Mphande said. 

Despite pushback from the law, Mphande persisted and continued to speak up for what he believed in. As he continued his activism in England and the United States, he said he developed a passion for education and teaching people about the social and political issues in the world around them. 

In his 78 years, Mphande has lived and learned in Africa, Great Britain and the United States, all while fighting for social justice along the way through direct action and literary works, before becoming the director of the African Languages Program at Ohio State in 1989 — a position he held for 36 years.

Today, Mphande said he sees parallels between his past in South Africa and the United States’ current political administration, which is currently cutting diversity, equity and inclusion programs nationwide. In addition, he said he has concerns about the nation’s current relationship with South Africa.

Mphande was born in Malawi, a country in southeastern Africa, in 1947. From 1964-94, the country was under the rule of then-President Hastings Banda, who Mphande described as a dictator. 

Banda’s time as president was also during South Africa’s apartheid. It was around this time a young Mphande began protesting against both his country’s dictator and apartheid in the South. 

Banda became president in 1966, during which he ruled over a one-party system. In 1971, Banda declared himself “president for life,” according to the Associated Press. During the three decades he governed Malawi, Banda maintained “open and formal ties with apartheid-ruled South Africa and Israel,” while “thousands of political opponents were killed, tortured, jailed without trial or hounded into exile” under his rule.

This was also when Mphande’s arrests began, which continued through his time completing a bachelor’s program in English literature and history of international relations.

“I was viewed as an enemy, because [Banda] was one of the very few African leaders who agreed with the apartheid system,” Mphande said.

Mphande went on to study in England, where he got his master’s degree in applied linguistics at the University of Lancaster in 1979. However, Mphande still fought against apartheid from across the pond by connecting with exiled South African activists who had fled to Britain.

In 1983, Mphande returned to Malawi, where Banda was cracking down on protesters. Then, as Mphande tried to leave the country, he was involved in a car crash, which he personally suspects wasn’t an accident. 

The accident caused the death of one of his colleagues and left Mphande himself with broken knees and ribs.

“I had to leave the country on a stretcher,” Mphande said.

In 1985, he came to the United States, determined to earn a Ph.D. in applied linguistics at the University of Texas. There, he discovered the United States had its own share of racial disparities.

During that time, Mphande said he saw the way citizens in Africa and the United States alike can be controlled or misled by a lack of education.

“The oppressive, colonizing powers took advantage of people who were ignorant, so that they could easily sell their distorted philosophies to try and convince Africans that they are inherently inferior,” he said.

Mphande said he wanted to teach people more about global politics and culture, which is what led him to become an educator.

Mphande came to Ohio State in 1989, where he found a Black Studies Department with the potential to grow. 

Mphande helped to develop courses within the department that focused on Africa. He said he believes in the importance of teaching African history and languages, and when he first began, Swahili was the only African language available at Ohio State. Now, he’s helped add seven more, including Hausa, Shona, Somali, Swahili, Twi, Yoruba and Zulu.

“When I came here, the only course I could identify at Ohio State that directly related to Africa was a course in geography, so nothing about the people and culture,” Mphande said. “I was interested in having much more robust studies that would include African countries.”

Simone Drake, vice chair of the African American and African Studies Department and professor of English, said Mphande changed the way Black studies was taught, bringing together the history of Black people from African countries and the United States.

“Sometimes, there’s sort of a divide between African American studies and African studies,” Drake said. “[Mphande] seemed really invested in bridging that divide.”

Mphane has also worked to expand the university’s study abroad programs to include South Africa and Zuluand, now working as the director of the study abroad programs to Southern Africa.

Dawn Chisebe, a previous student of Mphande’s and professor of African studies at Ohio Wesleyan University, said Mphande’s work through study abroad programs empowers students’ education and gives them opportunities to expand their worldview — something she said she experienced when she met the first president of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda, with Mphande.

“When [students] are learning from him, they’re learning from someone who is a primary source,” Chisebe said. “He lives and breathes what he teaches.”

In the early 1990s, Mphande spoke out against the disproportionate number of Black soldiers being sent to Iraq, for which he suffered backlash — even being called racist himself. 

The Gulf War began in 1990, in which United States troops fought against Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, according to the Naval History and Heritage Command website. Mphande held panels with other professors at New Salem Baptist Church discussing their thoughts on the war and the role of Black soldiers. In 1991, a story about one of these panels was published in The Lantern. Additionally, a letter which called Mphande and two other professors, Professor Horace Newsum and Professor William Nelson, racists, was published in a subsequent edition.

In 1992, as one of the first Black families to move into a Hilliard, Ohio, neighborhood, Mphande’s home was set on fire by white supremacists. In 1996, his car was vandalized with racial slurs and references to hate groups. 

Throughout this time, Mphande wrote poetry. He said he started writing in high school, but eventually published four volumes of his work since 1998

Mphande has also won various literary and arts awards and been featured in multiple poetry collections, textbooks and journals, including The Kenyon Review.

“I write a lot about issues that have to do with the sanctity of life, preservation of the environment, social interactions [and] the fact that everything is interrelated,” Mphande said. 

His background in political activism, education, travel and art has given Mphande a unique perspective on modern politics, he said.

“In Zulu, Africa, we have a saying that says ‘I am because we are,’” Mphande said. “In other words, a human being is not an island. You exist because others exist. So, you have always got to be mindful of others, because you have a common destiny.”

Chisebe said Mphande is a true interdisciplinary scholar, and she encourages her own students to seek him out for guidance, which she said he still offers her to this day.

“He is a linguist, a poet, a literary scholar, a historian and someone who has always fought for what is good and just in the world,” Chisbe said. 

Drake said Mphande’s global political activism is part of what makes him a distinct and exemplary educator and activist. 

“He has been a professor who has been committed to community-engaged work, which is something that you don’t have to do as a professor,” Drake said. “It’s a choice.”

Reflecting on present-day activism on Ohio State’s campus, Mphande said he remembers the feeling of being a young protester. He said students and young people are idealistic and dream about the future in a way that makes protesting and activism particularly effective.

“That’s what is behind most of the young protesters — an expression of what they want tomorrow,” said Mphande. “A student means an idealist. They have their dreams, which is what the idealism is.”

When it comes to today’s political landscape, Mphande said he connects his past activism against the War in Iraq to current rollbacks on DEI. 

“The decision to send those people to war should be as broadly based as possible, which means it has to be inclusive,” Mphande said. “This team that is making decisions, should it not be diversified and include all faces of society?”

Mphande said he is also concerned about lasting political and race-relation issues within the United States and Africa. Mphande said the lingering effects of South African apartheid mean there are still wealth and land disparities between white and Black citizens in South Africa. 

President Donald Trump and South African-born Elon Musk oppose the South African government’s efforts to decrease this land disparity, calling it “racist” and “hateful” to the white “ethnic minority” in the Feb. 7 executive order “Addressing Egregious Actions of The Republic of South Africa.”

Mphande said he believes this attitude is a display of white supremacy, as it’s a way to keep Black South Africans oppressed and continue the apartheid that was supposed to have ended long ago.

“Apartheid ended on the books, but in practice, you still have this separation of white city and Black ghetto,” Mphande said. 

Though Mphande sees these glaring issues within the current political landscape, he doesn’t feel completely discouraged, as he said he recognizes the power of protest and revolution. 

“Dreams should be about improvement, about having a better tomorrow — that this ought to work tomorrow,” Mphande said. “[Students] are the ones at the height of it. You are making decisions now, but that’s what you want. So, what decisions are you going to make for us?”

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Standing Firm: Civil Society at the Forefront of the Climate Resistance

Civil Society, Climate Action, Climate Change, Climate Change Finance, Climate Change Justice, Crime & Justice, Environment, Featured, Global, Headlines, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, Press Freedom, Sustainable Development Goals, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Credit: Samuel Corum/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

LONDON, Apr 15 2025 (IPS) – The recent US court case that ordered three Greenpeace organisations to pay damages of over US$660 million to an oil and gas company was a stunning blow against civil society’s efforts to stop runaway climate change and environmental degradation. The verdict, following a trial independent witnesses assessed to be grossly unfair, came in reaction to Indigenous-led anti-pipeline protests. It’s vital for any prospects of tackling the climate crisis that Greenpeace’s appeal succeeds, because without civil society pressure, there’s simply no hope of governments and corporations taking the action required.


Civil society is more used to winning climate and environmental court cases than losing them. As CIVICUS’s 2025 State of Civil Society Report outlines, litigation has become a vital part of civil society’s strategy. Just last year, a group of Swiss women won a groundbreaking precedent in the European Court of Human Rights, which ruled the government was violating their rights by failing to cut greenhouse gas emissions. South Korea’s Constitutional Court found that the lack of emissions reduction targets breached young people’s constitutional rights. Other positive judgments came in countries including Ecuador, India and Italy. At the last count, climate lawsuits had been filed in 55 countries.

But fossil fuel companies have noticed civil society’s litigation successes and are also taking to the courts. They have the deep pockets needed to hire expensive lawyers and sustain legal actions over many draining years. Fossil fuel companies have filed over 150 lawsuits intended to silence criticism in the USA alone since 2012.

Protest restrictions

Civil society is doing all it can to demand climate action that matches the scale of the crisis, winning victories by combining tactics such as street protest, non-violent direct action and litigation, but it’s coming under attack. Peaceful protesters are being jailed and activists are facing violence in many countries. Alongside the chilling effect on protests of lawsuits such as the one against Greenpeace, governments in several countries are criminalising legitimate forms of protest. Globally, climate activists and defenders of environmental, land and Indigenous rights are among the groups most targeted for repression.

Security force violence and mass arrests and detentions, particularly of protesters, are in danger of becoming normalised. Last year in the Netherlands, authorities detained thousands for taking part in mass roadblock protests demanding the government keep its promise of ending fossil fuel subsidies. In France, police used violence at a protest against road construction in June and banned another in August. In Australia, activists opposing a huge coal terminal and a gas project were among those arrested in 2024.

In Uganda, campaigners against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline continue to face state repression. Last year, authorities arbitrarily arrested 11 activists from the campaign. These activists have faced intimidation and pressure to stop their activism.

Campaigners from Cambodia’s Mother Nature group paid a heavy price for their work in trying to stand up to powerful economic and political interests seeking to exploit the environment. Last July, 10 young activists were given long jail sentences after documenting river pollution.

Some states, like the UK, have rewritten protest laws to expand the range of offences, increase sentences and strengthen police powers. Last July, five Just Stop Oil activists were handed brutally long sentences of up to five years for planning a roadblock protest. The UK now arrests environmental protesters at three times the global average rate.

Italy’s right-wing government is introducing new restrictions. Last year, parliament passed a law on what it calls ‘eco-vandals’ in response to high-profile awareness-raising stunts at monuments and cultural sites. Another repressive law is being introduced that will allow sentences of up to two years for roadblock protests.

The struggle continues

Yet civil society will keep striving for action, which is more urgent than ever. 2024 was the hottest year on record, and it was crammed with extreme weather events, made more likely and frequent by climate change. Far too little is being done.

Fossil fuel companies continue their deadly trade. Global north governments, historically the biggest greenhouse gas emitters, are watering down plans as right-wing politicians gain sway. International commitments such as the Paris Agreement show ambition on paper, but not enough is achieved when states come together at summits such as last December’s COP29 climate conference.

There’s a huge funding gap between what’s needed to enable countries to transition to low-carbon economies and adapt to climate change. Global south countries want the most powerful economies, which have benefited from the industries that have caused the bulk of climate change, to pay their share. But of an estimated annual US$1.3 trillion needed, the most global north states agreed to at COP29 was US$3 billion a year.

Nor are fossil fuel companies paying their share. Over the past five decades the oil and gas sector has made profits averaging US$2.8 billion a day. Yet companies are currently scaling back renewable energy investments and planning still more extraction, while using their deep pockets to lobby against measures to rein them in. Making the global tax rules fairer and more effective would help too: US$492 billion a year could be recovered by closing offshore tax loopholes, while taxes on the excessive wealth of the super-rich could unlock US$2.1 trillion a year, more than enough to tackle the climate crisis.

Civil society will keep pushing, because every fraction of a degree in temperature rises matters to millions. Change is not only necessary, but possible. For example, following extensive civil society advocacy, last September the UK shut down its last coal-fired power station.

Civil society played a major role in campaigning for the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, which requires large companies to align with the Paris Agreement. And last December, the International Court of Justice began hearing a case brought by a group of Pacific Island states, seeking an advisory opinion on what states are required to do to address climate change and help countries suffering its worst impacts. This landmark case originated with civil society, when student groups urged national leaders to take the issue to the court.

Trump’s return to the White House has made the road ahead much rockier. The world’s biggest historical emitter and largest current fossil fuel extractor has again given notice of its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, torn up renewable energy policies and made it easier to drill for fossil fuels. In response, other high-emitting nations must step up and show genuine climate leadership. They should start by committing to respecting the right of civil society to hold them to account. States and companies must cease their attacks on climate and environmental activists and instead partner with them to respond to the climate emergency.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

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